Online handels jobb in sydafrika

ARBETA FRÅN HEMIN ONLINE I SYDAFRIKA INTERNETHJÄLP BASERADE AFFÄRSMÖJLIGHETER GÖR PENGAR ONLINE JOBB INTERNET AFFÄRSVERKSAMHET. Tjäna kontantprovningsprogram på din mobil Vill du skapa rikedomar från hemma på nätet, börjar det med dig Sydafrikanerna kan tjäna pengar på nätet genom att välja från topprankade legitima affärsmöjligheter att arbeta hemifrån. Miljoner människor tjänar extra pengar hemma deltid medan andra arbetar hemifrån heltid anmd med rätt sinne och beslutsamhet det finns ingen anledning att du inte kan göra detsamma i år Om du är skeptisk och tror att tjäna pengar på nätet är det inte möjligt och alla en bluff så är du dömd att misslyckas redan innan du börjar tjäna pengar online Sydafrika som en del av Eezywealth Work From Home Group har blivit rankad det bästa Sydafrika som arbetar hemifrån webbplats sedan 2006 av sydafrikaner Vårt uppdrag är att erbjuda de bästa metoderna på internet för att tjäna pengar hemifrån. Innan du börjar ditt uppdrag att använda internet för att tjäna mer pengar, ta först tid för att bläddra igenom alla olika metoder. Det är att tjäna en inkomst via internet och det finns flera sätt här. För att börja din resa till att bli rik, oavsett vilken metod du kommer att bestämma dig för att använda det är viktigt att du vidtar åtgärder och när du har mainatin som momentum Med så många olika sätt att tjäna pengar online idag kommer det säkert att vara något som passar alla, vilket betyder att det spelar ingen roll vilken nivå av internetupplevelse du har, kan du bli nästa framgångshistoria också. Om du vill ha ett bättre liv genom att ha mer pengar, är denna önskan att din drivkraft kommer att göra skillnad. Uppmuntra den viljan att nå dina mål genom att ta dina första steg på den verkliga vägen till ekonomisk frihet. Även om du kanske har bråttom för att tjäna extra pengar eller bygga en heltids lönsam internetaffär på internet, inser du att det tar tid, tålamod och ansträngning med en process måste följas för att uppnå den framgång du önskar. Tyvärr har de flesta av oss svårt att betala av de månatliga räkningarna och med de här presskampen hela tiden har de flesta människor bråttom att göra en extra inkomst så fort som möjligt. När du inte tänker tydligt då är det dags att du kommer att få fångas av en bluff som lovar dig lätta pengar. I STORT HURTIGT Om du vill ha något enkelt, säkert och snabbt att tjäna lite lätt deltid. Varför inte ta en titt på denna fantastiska remiss affärsmöjlighet att tjäna lite extra inkomst med denna utmärkta sydafrikanska affärsmöjlighet, som kommer med en nödvändig produkt alla borde ha KLICKA HÄR. Eftersom internetåtkomst blir allt mer tillgängligt i Sydafrika, ser fler och fler människor om de kan tjäna pengar på nätet, och det finns potential för alla, men bara gå på rätt väg. Alla som upplever internet erbjuder så många sätt att tjäna extra inkomst, vill tjäna pengar snabbt, men som alla vanliga affärer, en internetaffär eller vilken metod du väljer att göra för att tjäna mer pengar behöver du också tid att växa och börja göra en vinst. Förutom detta måste varje uppmuntrande företagare veta att tjäna pengar på nätet, oavsett om det är i Sydafrika, eller var de befinner sig i världen, kommer de att investera i tid, pengar, ansträngning, engagemang och uthållighet. Har du alla egenskaper Nedan följer arbeten från hemkategorier till webbplatser med olika typer av affärsmöjligheter för Mums, Dads, Online Jobs och mycket mer där du borde hitta exakt vad du söker för att tjäna pengar online i Sydafrika. Här är ett bra betalt enkäter Online Special Offer, passar även för sydafrikaner. Det är ett begränsat erbjudande så ta det idag. Arbeta hemifrån Kategorier ONLINE JOBS Vill du lära dig hur du handlar Forex Online för sydafrikaner (kontorer också i Kapstaden) Trots Rands senaste styrka kommer R sannolikt att återgå till omkring R16. 50-17.00 i slutet av 2017 Trading Forex växer i popularitet Worldwide Existerande Rand-nivåer erbjuder ett attraktivt tillfälle att investera offshore, inklusive på andra tillväxtmarknader. Bästa investeringsmöjligheter Här kan du ta lite tid att visa några av de rekommenderade och bästa topp Märkt arbete från möjligheter att tjäna pengar online. Ta tid att alltid Läs informationen om eventuella affärsmöjligheter noggrant, eller titta fullständigt på presentationsvideorna. När du väl har gått ihop med ett affärsmöjlighet, avsluta varje steg, försök aldrig och ta korta nedskärningar och följ igenom hela träningen och guiderna noggrant. Kom bara ihåg att för att lyckas med något arbete från hembranschen du går med, kommer det att innebära att du investerar tid, pengar, ansträngning och engagemang, men om du är beredd att ge den allting så är det mer än troligt att du uppnår din önskningar om ekonomisk frihet Förvissa dig om att internet erbjuder alla stora möjligheter att tjäna mer pengar, men få tar full nytta av detta, men idag kan du (Läs mer om dessa topparbeten från hemmöjligheter nedan: Mus över bilderna för mer information. (Tips Ibland kan du avsluta en sida och klicka sedan på STAY på sidan. För att få tillgång till en provning av specialerbjudanden)) Ägna flera lönsamma Internetföretag. Nyckelfärdiga arbeten hemifrån Inkomster Gå med i detta mycket välrenommerade arbete hemifrån Sociala medier Online jobb Opportunity Vilka typer av sätt kan sydafrikaner använda för att tjäna pengar på Internet Lyckligtvis finns det dussintals olika onlinejobb och internet affärsmöjligheter för att tjäna mer pengar på internet , och om du lyckas bli nästa framgångshistoria och gå med miljontals människor över hela världen som har insett sin dröm om att arbeta hemifrån heltid. Några av de bästa erbjudandena att tjäna pengar online i Sydafrika, från internetarbete från hemmet, som spänner från att göra online betalade undersökningar, datainmatningsprogram, freelance online jobb erbjudanden, där du måste slutföra uppgifter för att få betalt, plus många andra sätt att arbeta hemifrån på deltid eller heltid. Om du verkligen vill uppnå framgång och arbeta hemifrån i Sydafrika förstår du att prata är billigt. Det handlar om åtgärder som gör att dina drömmar blir verklighet Det är vad du gör, hur mycket arbete du lägger till för att bygga ditt företag och de steg du tillämpar som bestämmer vilken riktning ditt liv kommer att ta. Vad du behöver göra idag är att översätta dina drömmar, mål, insikter och syfte till verkligheten, vilket kan göras genom att använda konstruktiva åtgärder. Vad du bör undvika Om du vill ha lovliga sätt att tjäna pengar online i Sydafrika via internet som din plattform, bör du vara försiktig med bedrägerier, så läs alltid arbetet hemifrån eller Internet affärsmöjlighetsinformation mycket noggrant. En annan sak som är värt att nämna är att du inte förväntar dig mycket av gratis arbete från hemmöjligheter, för som du vet får du alltid vad du betalar för. Om du skulle investera i ett riktigt hem affärsmöjlighetsutbildningsprogram som kostar dig R50, skulle det du förväntar dig att tjäna dig R10000 pm Varför skulle någon sälja dig ett billigt affärsmöjlighetssystem för att tjäna pengar på nätet som kan tjäna dig tusentals Rands för en liten summa pengar. Sydafrikaner måste vara beredda att investera pengar i solid legitimt arbete hemma erbjudanden om de vill uppnå arbeta hemifrån på heltid. Ännu mer förnuftigt är att välja Internet-utbildningsprogram för att lära dig hur man tjänar pengar på nätet som har prenumerationer. Varför är dessa bättre du kan fråga Det enkla svaret är att kvalitativa legitima affärsmöjligheter för företag och system för skapande av välstånd kommer att ge medlemmarna bättre råd, stöd och resurser för att lära dig riktiga sätt att tjäna pengar hemifrån på internet. När allt kommer omkring har du gått med i programmet för att lära dig hur man tjänar pengar på internet, och trots allt. ska det inte täcka dina medlemsavgifter eller vad du investerat i systemet i första hand, ändå i tid En slutlig anmälan om tjäna pengar online i Sydafrika: Mycket tid och energi har gått för att skapa den här webbplatsen för att vara det bästa arbetet hemifrån internet affärer webbplats för sydafrikaner. Vi har också en abonnentlista över sydafrikaner och internationella medlemmar som vi också välkomnar dig att gå med. Mycket feedback från våra abonnenter hjälper oss att välja de bästa online tjäna pengar i Sydafrika hembaserade affärsmöjligheter. Alla program som du ser uppräknade på de olika sidorna på den här webbplatsen väljs noggrant ut för att vara legitima online-möjligheter och förtjänar eventuella investeringar som de medför. Läs informationen för varje affärsmöjlighet noggrant, och när du har startat din online-verksamhet, arbeta för att uppnå dina mål. Det är upp till dig att göra din internetaffär en framgång, och vårt råd är att aldrig ge upp och undvik att flotta från en internetaffär till nästa som vill göra snabba pengar online. Det rätta sättet att tjäna pengar online i Sydafrika är genom tålamod och beslutsamhet. Din internetverksamhet kommer att ta tid att göra vinst, och om du är tillräckligt tålmodig kommer det säkert. Du måste lämna bakom den bekväma och bekanta, komma ut ur din komfortzon som människor säger om du ska gå vidare och uppåt för att uppnå en bättre livsstil som de flesta drömmer om men aldrig njuta av verkligheten. På vägen till rikedom, förvänta sig hinder, och ibland kommer saker att hända och gå fel som kan vara frustrerande och obekväma. Eezywealth SA är en del av topparbetet från hemgruppen Online Från 2006 till datum visar vi sydafrikaner och internationella besökare De bästa sätten att tjäna pengar på nätet Vi söker ut de bästa blufffria sätten för sydafrikaner och internationella besökare att göra pengar på nätet ger också högsta utvalda guider för att starta en riktig hembaserad verksamhet. Vi är alltid på utkik efter de senaste programmen och arbetar hemifrån, vilket är viktigt så att du kan hålla dig uppdaterad om de nya metoderna för att tjäna pengar på internet. Det är vidare viktigt att notera, än när du vill tjäna pengar på nätet finns det inga korta nedskärningar för att bygga upp en solid internetaffär. Den goda nyheten är att det finns några snabba sätt att tjäna extra pengar på internet i affärsmöjligheter där det mesta av arbetet har gjorts för dig. Dessa kallas nyckelfärdiga affärsmöjligheter. Kvalitet online affärsmöjligheter kommer att kosta dig en investering, men den ultimata avkastningen kommer alltid att vara värt det eftersom mer pengar betyder en bättre livskvalitet. Om du är tålmodig och beslutsam nog kan du gå med miljontals människor som redan tjänar pengar på internet, med många som ens har uppnått drömmen om att bli egen chef, arbeta hemifrån och med ekonomisk frihet att matcha. Internet erbjuder stor potential till alla för att tjäna pengar på nätet i en internetaffär eller genom att göra onlinejobb som betalar dig vid slutförandet av uppgifterna. De flesta misslyckas fortfarande när det gäller att bygga en framgångsrik internetaffär, eller till och med ett hemligt verkligt företag av olika skäl. I många fall är det felaktiga valmöjligheter för affärsmöjligheter, medan i andra är det för mycket att skynda och vill tjäna pengar snabbt. Sunt förnuft borde säga att att tjäna pengar i någon form av affärer är svårt att få det av marken, och på internet är inte annorlunda. Efter att ha nämnt det, vet bara att med rätt inställning är engagemang och efterföljande steg av någon legitim affärsmöjlighet framgång din för att ta. Där det finns coaching, kan rätt vägledning låta dig vara den stolta ägaren till en pengar som tjänar internetaffärer som tar ut pengar för kommande år. Du hittar ett stort utbud av olika internetmöjligheter som är lämpliga för sydafrikaner på denna webbplats, allt från de välkända nätverksmarknadsföringsprogrammen, till affiliate-affärsmöjligheter och till och med hemjobb som kan göras online. Internationella besökare hittar länkar som är relevanta för sina länder i huvudet på den här sidan. Rekommenderade hembaserade affärsidéer. . En livsplan. Klicka här Om du är missnöjd med allt och alltid är missnöjd kanske du behöver lite mer riktning i livet. Denna guide hjälper dig att definiera dina mål lite tydligare om de är att tjäna mer pengar, uppnå ett mål i din karriär eller relationer eller uppfylla en livsdröm Råd för att spara pengar. Klicka här Du kanske har hört allt innan men om du ser efter dina pengar och spara så mycket som möjligt kan pengarna du har gå mycket längre. Dessa guider ger dig några användbara och viktigaste praktiska tips om att spara pengar som du kan ansöka i vardagen. Sydafrikaner Vill du göra lite Shopping Online Spara pengar med några bra erbjudanden från sydafrikanska annonsörer genom att besöka denna shoppingportal. Du kommer att upptäcka att detta är ett bra sätt att spara pengar och få även gratis leverans i de flesta fall också. Sydafrikansk affärsmöjlighet En sydafrikansk legitim affärsmöjlighet där du kan tjäna så mycket som du vill genom att tillämpa den nödvändiga ansträngningen. Du kommer att finna att detta är spännande och enkelt och himlen är gränsen för inkomsterna här otroligt hembaserad affärsmöjlighet för sydafrikaner mycket prisvärd, super nödvändig produkt för våra tider, så det är mycket värt att investera i det och hänvisa till självförtroende om du verkligen vill tjäna pengar online i Sydafrika. Att tjäna pengar på nätet är inte en bluff som många tror och i själva verket bedrägerier är så lite som 3-4 av alla affärsmöjligheter. Bedrägerier spelar på giriga lata människor, som lätt fångas av dessa falska löften om snabba lätta pengar. Du kan tjäna pengar på nätet heltid eller deltid eller bygga en solid internetaffär som kan ge dig en livslång inkomst. Kvalitativa legitima affärsmöjligheter för sydafrikaner kommer att kosta dig en riktig investering, och med det nedgångande värdet av Rand, om det finns en du vill gå med, gör det tidigare än senare innan det ligger långt bortom din räckvidd. Testimonials För att få dig bästa möjliga användarupplevelse, använder denna sida Javascript. Om du ser det här meddelandet är det troligt att Javascript-alternativet i din webbläsare är inaktiverat. För optimal visning av denna sida, se till att Javascript är aktiverat för din webbläsare. För att aktivera Javascript i din webbläsare följer du instruktionerna i den här länken: googlesupportbinanswer. pyanswer23852 Efter att du har aktiverat JavaScript i webbläsaren uppdaterar du den här sidan. Europa Asien Stilla havet Internetbanken erbjuder ett komplett utbud av banktjänster och produkter, som du enkelt kan komma åt från ditt hem eller kontor. Det låter dig få tillgång till dina senaste saldon och uttalanden, göra betalningar och betala mottagare utan att gå in i en filial. Business Online erbjuder en högre funktionalitet än Internetbank. Om mer än en person behöver tillgång till systemet är Business Online ideal eftersom det ger flera operatörstillträde. Det erbjuder också ett komplett utbud av bankbanklösningar från kontohantering och överföring av pengar till internationella bank - och valutatjänster. För mer information om våra elektroniska banktjänster besök Internetbank och Business Online Internet Banking BetalningarTransfersBalance och uttalanden Köp förbetalt lugttid Betala böter Användning Betalningsvärden och volymer Genomsnittlig betalningsvärde mindre än R1900 Genomsnittligt antal betalningar per månad mindre än 35 Online Betalningar BetalningarBalans och uttalanden Kontoverifieringstjänst SARS e-Filling - UIF-betalningar Samlingar Internationell bank FX-handel Handel Likviditetshantering Tredje part Fondförvaltare Förvaringskommunikation Användning Betalningsvärden och volymer Obegränsade betalningsvärden Obegränsade betalningsvolymerGlencore Xstrata Karriärer, jobb och lediga tjänster 8211 8 Ställningar Glencore Xstrata Karriär och jobb Glencore Xstrata är ett av världens största globala diversifierade naturresursföretag och är ett av de tio största företagen inom FTSE 100 Index. Gruppens industri - och marknadsaktiviteter stöds av ett globalt nätverk av mer än 90 kontor i över 50 länder. Deras diversifierade verksamheter består av över 150 gruv - och metallurgiska anläggningar, offshore oljeproduktionstillgångar, gårdar och lantbruksanläggningar. Glencore Xstrata sysselsätter cirka 190 000 personer, inklusive entreprenörer. Glencore Xstrata sysselsätter cirka 190 000 personer (inklusive entreprenörer) över ett globalt nätverk av mer än 90 kontor i över 50 länder. Deras diversifierade verksamheter omfattar över 150 gruv - och metallurgiska anläggningar, offshore oljeproduktionstillgångar, gårdar och lantbruksanläggningar. Den decentraliserade förvaltningsstrukturen bemyndigar människor genom att delegera ansvar och myndighet till lokal nivå och aktivt uppmuntra innovation och entreprenörskap. Glencore Xstrata erbjuder en rad karriär - och arbetsmöjligheter på alla nivåer inom sina företag runt om i världen. Erfaren personal, såväl som nyutexaminerade är välkomna och tillhandahålls ett antal spännande vägar för utforskning och framsteg i sina karriärer. Glencore Xstrata-karriären bör ge dig möjlighet att utveckla och öka dina kunskaper, kompetens och erfarenhet, ge utmaningar och möjligheter och belöna dina prestationer. Glencore Xstrata syftar till att attrahera, motivera och behålla de bästa människorna för att säkerställa att företagen resurseras med människor som tänker och agerar som entreprenörer, som är villiga att lära sig, som är passionerade för sitt arbete och som strävar efter att vara ledare inom sitt område. Glencore Xstrata Graduate Recruitment Vi erbjuder unika globala karriärmöjligheter och underlättar personlig utveckling. Våra utbildningsmöjligheter är olika 8211 från kortsiktiga placeringar till lärlingsutbildning för att utbilda nivån roller och finns inom ett stort antal discipliner, inklusive geologi, teknik, hållbarhet, samhällsengagemang, ekonomi. logistikverksamhet, handel, forskning och administration. Våra semester-, praktik - och examensprogram erbjuds inom ett brett spektrum av discipliner, företag och länder. Rekrytering och urval för inträdesnivåprogram sker lokalt och är planerat att sammanfalla med regionala universitet och semesterkalender. Våra inträdesprogram ser till att vår framtida arbetskraft är utrustad med lämplig kompetens och vägledning. Våra akademiker rekryterar lär sig genom erfarenhet och samarbete med begåvade kollegor över hela världen. Vill du vidareutveckla din karriär med ett dynamiskt internationellt gruvbolag. Xstrata Coal Sydafrika söker kandidater som verkligen kan öka värdet till vår verksamhet över alla discipliner i vår verksamhet och företagskontor. Detta är din möjlighet att uttrycka intresse för eventuella framtida möjligheter som kan vara av intresse för dig över Growth Xstrata Coal South Africa-verksamheten. Hur man ansöker om Glencore Xstrata CareersHistorie om kvinnans kamp i Sydafrika Kvinnor i början av 1900-talet Det är bara under de senaste tre eller fyra decennierna att kvinnors roll i Sydafrikas historia senast har fått ett visst erkännande. Tidigare var historien om kvinnors politiska organisation, deras kamp för frihet från förtryck, för samhällsrättigheter och, viktigare, för jämställdhet, i stor utsträckning ignorerad i historiska texter. Inte bara stod de flesta av dessa äldre böcker starkt mot vit politisk utveckling till nackdel för studier av vittnes historia och interaktion med andra rasgrupper, men de fokuserade också på männs prestationer (ofta på deras militära utnyttjande eller ledarskapsförmåga) nästan lämnar kvinnor ur den sydafrikanska historien. Anledningen till denna lsquoinvisibility39 av kvinnor, kräver en förklaring. Sydafrikanska samhället (och detta gäller i varierande grad för alla tävlingsgrupper) är konventionellt patriarkala. Det var med andra ord männen som hade myndighet i samhället, kvinnor betraktades som underordnade män. Kvinnornas roll var i första hand en inhemsk som inkluderade barnuppfödning och ser till välbefinnandet, utfodring och vård av familjen. De var inte förväntat att oroa sig för saker utanför hemmet ndash som var mer ordentligt mänens domän. Ekonomisk verksamhet utanför hemmet (för att hjälpa till med att foder och klä familjen) var acceptabelt men inte ansedd lsquofeminin39. Men med ökningen av industriell ekonomi, tillväxten av städer och (i synnerhet när det gäller inhemska samhällen) utvecklingen av migrerande arbetssystem, kom dessa föreskrifter om kvinnans roll, som vi kommer att se, att störas. Det här är en särskilt lämplig tid att studera kvinnors roll i utvecklingen mot den nya sydafrikanska demokratin. År 2006 var ett landmärke där vi firade den massiva kvinnornas mars till unionens byggnader i Pretoria för 50 år sedan. Kvinnor i hela landet hade satt sina namn på framställningar och sålunda indikerat ilska och frustration att ha sin rörelsefrihet begränsad av de hatade officiella passerna. De här kvinnornas tapperhet (som riskerade officiell repressalier, inklusive arrestering, frihetsberövande och till och med förbud) bifallas här. Så också är deras organisatoriska färdigheter och deras medvetenhet om samhället, de var trötta på att stanna hemma, maktlösa för att göra betydande förändringar i ett sätt att leva som diskriminerade dem främst på grund av deras ras, men också på grund av sin klass och deras kön. Vi uppmanar dig att läsa i de följande sidorna om den viktiga roll som kvinnor spelar i 1900-talet Sydafrika. En lista över arbeten för vidare läsning och några lämpliga dokument ingår också i detta arkiv. Kvinnor, hälften av befolkningen trots allt, har tyvärr varit tysta i våra historia-böcker, och även om detta behov nu i viss utsträckning tas upp finns det fortfarande ett stort gap i vår kunskap om de sydafrikanska kvinnornas roll. Det är hög tid att våra unga sydafrikaner borde lägga rekordet rakt. Vid början av 1900-talet i Sydafrika hade alla tidigare oberoende afrikanska polis erövrats och satts under vit bosättningskontroll. Vidare hade dessa afrikanska samhälles ekonomiska oberoende förstörts och afrikanska män hade dras in i en arbetsklass på gruvorna (i de utvecklande städerna) och på vita ägodelar. Upptäckten av mineraler (diamanter i Kimberley 1867 och guld på Witwatersrand 1886) hade släppt stora förändringar i den utvecklande sydafrikanska ekonomin, och dessa skulle bli mycket betydelsefulla för dig som spelas av kvinnor, särskilt svarta kvinnor. Svarta män i Kapkolonien hade fortfarande omröstning (även om en svart man inte kunde bli parlamentsledamot), men på andra ställen i Sydafrika hade svarta personer (män eller kvinnor) inte rösta, och heller inte vita kvinnor drogs fritt. Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 (även kallat det sydafrikanska kriget) hade decimerat den sydafrikanska ekonomin och lämnade en djup klyfta i samhället, inte bara mellan svarta människor och vita, men mellan boer och britter. Afrikaner hade anpassat sig till britterna under detta krig, i det förgäves hoppet att efter fred undertecknades skulle de få en bättre affär. Istället hade britterna ansträngt sig för att förena med boerna och ignorerade Afrikaners påståenden. En ny vitkontrollerad regering bildades 1901 och kallade Sydafrikas union. Vad var då kvinnornas ställning i det sydafrikanska samhället i början av 1900-talet Svaret är att svarta kvinnor i traditionella afrikanska samhällen och på samma sätt vita kvinnor i bosättningssamhället var underordnade männen. Kvinnans ställning var underlägsen männen tog alla de stora besluten både i samhället i stort och inom hemmet. Sydafrika var med andra ord ett patriarkaliskt samhälle. Moderskapet var kvinnans primära roll. De var tvungna att höja barn, ta hand om hemmet och se till familjebehoven. I afrikanska samhällen förväntades kvinnor också att utföra jordbruksuppgifter för att hjälpa familjen att föda. Andra tog in tvätten för att ge extra inkomst, medan vissa kom in på arbetsmarknaden som hushållerska. I bosättningsförbundet ansågs det inte kvinnligt att arbeta utanför hemmet, även om vissa kvinnor gjorde det för att komplettera familjeinkomsten och hjälpa till att lägga mat på bordet. Historiska böcker skrivna vid den tiden (och länge därefter) handlade om män. Vi läste om krigarna som de förde och kämpade för hur de utgjorde arbetskraften på gruvorna i de utvecklande städerna och den nya regeringen de inrättades 1910 (utan att rådfråga några kvinnor). Om kvinnor alls visade sig var det som offer för konstgjorda krig (som offren i lägren). Kvinnor förväntades inte vara assertiva och ta saker i egna händer. Två exempel kommer att illustrera kvinnans underordnade ställning i början av seklet. Svarta kvinnor, av vilka de flesta fortfarande bodde i reserverna, hade börjat bilda grupper för att ta på sig några kyrkliga knutna sociala roller i samhället, men de accepterades inte som medlemmar av den afrikanska nationella kongressen (ANC) när den bildades 1912. Den här accepteringen kom först 1943. Svarta män insåg behovet av att förena politiskt för att bilda en gemensam front mot vit förtryck, men otroligt var det ingen plats för sina kvinnor i sina planer att göra det. På samma sätt har vita sydafrikanska kvinnor inte tillåtet att spela någon roll i politiskt beslutsfattande i en manlig ledande unionsregering. Det var först 1930 (många år efter bosättare kvinnor på andra ställen i imperiet) att vita kvinnor fick rösta. Denna lag var endast motvilligt gått, av ett helt manligt, all-white parlament, efter en samordnad 20-årig kampanj av dedikerade feminister. På de sidor som följer lär du dig varför och hur sydafrikanska kvinnor i alla raser började bryta sig ut ur de stereotypa könsbestämmelsernas gränser och blev gradvis mer självhäftande och krävande och tog en allt viktigare roll i vår historia. Att organisera kvinnor för ett gemensamt mål i 1900-talet Det är svårt att fastställa de specifika problem som sydafrikanska kvinnor möttes sedan 1956 eller idag. Frågor som berörde kvinnor på 1950-talet kan beskrivas som 39 bröd och smör39 frågor, såsom bostäder, matpriser och tillstånd. I dagens Sydafrika står kvinnor inför ett brett spektrum av frågor som våld i hemmet, barnmisshandel, HIVAIDS, arbetslöshet, könsdiskriminering och fattigdom. Det är mot denna bakgrund att kvinnor organiserade sig själva inom samhället för att ta upp dessa utmaningar. En sådan gemenskapsbaserad struktur var Alexandra Women39s Council (AWC), som grundades i mitten av 1940-talet. AWC blev aktiv i frågor som rör squatterrörelser, och i 1947 visade den sig mot inrikesdepartementet, som ville avlägsna squatters i Alexandra Township. Efter andra världskriget genomfördes en snabb urbanisering som fler personer flyttade in i städerna på jakt efter arbete i fabriker eller i gruvorna. Tillströmningen av svarta personer ökade till 23,4 procent år 1946 från 18,4 procent år 1936. Därför växte behovet av bostäder också. Som regering förhindrade svarta människor från permanent bosättning i städerna, började de bygga plankläger eller informella bosättningar i utkanten av stadsområden. Regeringens reaktion var att klämma fast på dessa plankläger och ta bort människor till platser, långt ifrån sina arbetsplatser. Kvinnor tog det på sig för att bekämpa dessa borttagningar eftersom det påverkade deras försörjning som shebbenerna. Kvinnor som inte kunde hitta anställning i fabrikerna eller som hushållsarbetare började brygga öl och sålde det till ett stort antal migrerande arbetstagare som inte hade råd att köpa den västra ölen eller till de män som fortfarande föredrog den traditionella afrikanska ölen. Flytta dessa män betydde en förlust av kunder. I västra Kap etablerade kvinnorna i Crossroads squatter campen Kvinnor av Korsvägen rörelse för att bekämpa liknande problem som AWC kämpade. Från vänster till höger: Kvinna brygger öl i township Män dricker traditionell öl i shebeen Polisen arresterar en kvinna för att köra en shebeen. Förutom att bilda rörelser som AWC och WCM var det andra rörelser som växte in i politiska rörelser. Torsdagar i Sydafrika betraktades till exempel som en helig dag där kvinnor från olika etniska och sociala bakgrunder träffades för en bön. Dessa bönegrupper banade vägen för nya strukturer kring mikrofinansiering och ekonomiskt stöd. De organiserade stokvels och spädningsklubbar för kvinnor. Vanliga kvinnor som inte tillhörde några politiska organisationer på 1950-talet startade dessa strukturer. Det var en organisation som grundades av två kvinnor som var politiskt aktiva då Zenzele Club startade av Josie Palmer (Mpama) och Madie-Hall Xuma. Trots att det inleddes av politiska figurer lockades medlemmarna av de överlevnadsfrågor som den väckte. Zenzele Club uppmuntrade kvinnor att leva från stickning. Det var genom sådana organisationer som FEDSAW samlade kvinnor för ett gemensamt mål. Även om problemen som kvinnor kämpade för förblev oupplösna, var mars 1956 en seger i sig. Fler kvinnor blev aktiva i politiken och vissa betalade priset på långfristig fängelse medan vissa utgör ett hot mot regeringen och mördades. Det var inte bara afrikanska kvinnor som bildade sociala strukturer som de som beskrivits ovan. Luli Callinicos i sin bok, ett ställe i staden: Apartheidens rand på kvällen, beskriver hur afrikanska kvinnor bildade 39 frusklubbar39 för att stödja Afrikaner orsaken till 39Broederbond39. Callinicos skriver att så tidigt som 1930-talet var afrikanska kvinnor ansedda som huvudbärare av sin kultur. De var också modersmålets kvittransmittor och Afrikaners kulturbärare i homequot (Callinicos 1993: 117). Vita womenrsquos organisationer som Black Sash mobiliserade kvinnor strukturer som dessa för en politisk orsak. Även om detta var en utmaning på grund av kulturella hinder som binder de flesta afrikanska kvinnorna, fanns det några som Bettie du Toit som steg ovanför dessa restriktioner och kämpade för frigörandet av sydafrikanska folk över raslinjer. Sydafrikanska kvinnor, över raslinjer, har varit källa till mod för hela samhället. Vid utnämning av kvinnor till regeringens president, sade Thabo Mbeki, att en regering i Sydafrika någonsin skulle kunna hävda att folkets vilja skulle utgöra om den misslyckades med att ta itu med den centrala uppgiften att frigöra kvinnor i alla dess delar, och det inkluderar regeringen vi är privilegierade att lead. quot (Mbeki, 2004) För närvarande utgör kvinnor i kabinettet 33 procent av positionerna långt ifrån när Helen Suzman stod ensam som en kvinna ledamot av parlamentet. Hon gjorde sin närvaro känd genom att öppet motsätta sig partiets politik och uppmanade regeringen att öppna diskussion med befrielsebevægelserna. Kvinnor i Sydafrika över alla sfärer av livet har bidragit till att göra Sydafrika. Idag är det bidrag som kvinnor gjort i vår historia inte bara synligt i vårt samhälle utan i stegen i unionens byggnader. By the turn of the century, despite the fact that women of all races were still virtually restricted to the home, migrant labour had already begun to forge differences between the experience of African and white women. African men were no longer part of the traditional homestead economy. Instead they were away for extended periods of time, working under contract on the mines. In both town and rural areas the traditional pattern of the African family was destroyed, and this, in turn, undermined the very basis of tribal society. As Walker puts it, lsquoAfrican marriage became less and less stable an institution, with women gaining personal independence at the expense of the economic and emotional security within the pre-colonial family39 (Walker 1990:19). For African women in the reserves, where they soon began to outnumber the men, life was very tough. The burden of agricultural work and the responsibility of keeping the family together fell entirely on their shoulders. Many African women began to consider the alternative of moving into locations near to the towns. This provided the opportunity to take in laundry or opt for employment as domestic servants. But it suited the government better to have African families living in the reserves so the women who moved to the town were confronted by government influx control measures. In the towns women also grew more independent and assertive they became more politically aware and less compliant with the harsh, discriminatory restrictions placed on them by officialdom. Women demonstrated against having to carry passes in three major campaigns, all of which are mentioned here. The first, in 1913, was in Bloemfontein and stands out not only because it was such an early outbreak of women39s resistance, but also because of what Julia Wells calls its lsquostrength and militancy39 and because it was so lsquocostly to the personal lives of participants39 (Wells 1993:3). It also set the tone for later anti-pass action by militant African women. The second episode, which will be mentioned later (because the material is presented chronologically) was in 1930 in Potchefstroom, a small white-dominated town where officials tried to bully the women to comply with the particular labour needs of the town. In this case the grievance of the women was against lodgers39 permits. The third campaign was masterminded in Johannesburg from 1954-1956, culminating in the march in 1956 of nearly 20 000 women to Pretoria. This will receive close attention as the archive was created in celebration of this event. In each of these episodes women reacted not because of major political issues or broad developmental policies but because the stability of their homes and families were in jeopardy. As Julia Wells puts it: lsquoWhen it was women who resisted, it was because the crisis reached into the inner sanctum of home and family life. Each of the three episodes of resistancehellip reflects a time when women themselves were directly and negatively affected by shifts in the application of the pass laws39 (Wells 1993:9). The 1913 Bloemfontein anti-pass campaign The women involved in this incident were an urbanised group living in the Waaihoek Location under the control of the Town Council of Bloemfontein. In 1913, partly as a measure to protect the increasing number of lsquopoor whites39 from black competition in the labour market, government officials in the Orange Free State declared that women living in the urban townships would be required to buy new entry permits each month. It was claimed that this would cut down on informal means of employment such as laundry work, illegal beer brewing and prostitution. Each month, when renewing her permit, a woman had to prove that she had lsquolegal39 employment. All lsquoinformal39 employment was thus restricted, forcing the women to take on domestic work in Bloemfontein, which suited the ruling party, which took the women away from their own homes and children. Those who refused to comply would be evicted and sent back to the reserves. Furthermore there were allegations of sexual abuses related to the enforcement process by both white and black constables. In angry response to these prescriptive measures the women sent an all-woman deputation to the governor-general. They collected more than five thousands signatures on petitions, and organised impressive demonstrations to protest the permit requirement. Both the newly formed ANC and the African Political Organisation (APO) formed in 1902, under Abdurahman, gave encouragement to the efforts of the Waaihoek women. Abdurahman was a great admirer of Gandhirsquos passive resistance and he encouraged the women to invite arrest by defying the hated regulations. African people across the board also felt bitter and disappointed about the recently passed Natives Land Act (1913), so tensions were high. On 28 May 1913 a mass meeting of women was held in Waaihoek and it was decided to adopt a passive resistance stance. They would refuse to carry residential permits. Two hundred angry women marched into town to see the mayor, but when he was eventually cornered he maintained that his hands were tied. The women promptly tore up their passes, shouted remarks at the policemen and generally provoked the authorities into arresting them. Eighty women were arrested. There was another march the next day which soon turned ugly, with sticks being brandished. The women reputedly shouted at the police: lsquoWe have done with pleading. We now demand39 Unrest spread to other towns throughout the province and hundreds of women were sent to prison. Civil disobedience and demonstrations continued sporadically for several years. Ultimately the permit requirement was withdrawn. Women had succeeded in making their voices heard and this certainly inspired them for the future. The term lsquopass39 was used to describe any document that curtailed an African39s freedom of movement and had to be produced on demand by police or local officials. As far as black people were concerned residents39 permits (also called lsquolodgers39 permits39), special entry permits, permits to seek work and reference books all fell into the general category of the lsquopass39. Until the 1930s women were generally exempt from pass control but the Orange Free State was the exception here there was a complex net of restrictions on African people, both men and women. Ultimately, however, all African women in the towns or so-called lsquowhite39 rural areas and reserves were required to carry reference books, while only certain women in the proclaimed areas were subject to the permit requirements. The issue of permits in the urban areas began a few years before reference books were introduced. African women felt that the permits were simply forerunners of reference books and treated them with equal contempt. The Bantu Women39s League (BWL) One of the direct consequences of the Bloemfontein anti-pass campaign was the formation of early women39s political movements. Women had proved their ability to take their fate in their own hands. An organization called the Native and Coloured Women39s Association was formed in 1912 to lay plans for the Free State anti-pass petitions and the deputation to the governor-general. Soon afterwards it was followed, and eventually superseded by a new, very significant women39s movement, the Bantu Women39s league (BWL). This was formed in 191314 as a branch of the ANC. At the time women were not accepted as full members of the ANC, but at least the BWL made the men realize that African women were becoming assertive and politicized. The BWL became involved in passive resistance and fought against passes for black women, but it also undertook the more traditional roles of catering and entertainment for the male-dominated ANC deliberations. During this time the BWL was under the leadership of Charlotte Maxeke, South Africa39s first women graduate, who had been educated in the USA. In 1918 Maxeke headed a deputation of women who went to see Prime Minister Louis Botha to plead the women39s case. Following this, the Free State regulations on resident permits for women were relaxed. The BWL appears to have survived until the early 1930s, but was absorbed into the National Council of African Women (NCAW), a less assertive movement that was inaugurated in 1933 and focused primarily on welfare issues. This body, also headed by Charlotte Maxeke, worked in cooperation with the white liberals in the Joint Councils Movement. The 1920s - Women, employment and the changing economic scene crarr In the 1920s, with the First World War (1914-1918) over, the pattern of female employment began to change. The war and the protectionist policy of the Pact government under JBM Hertzog (who wanted to help the lsquopoor whites39 to get back on their feet) both boosted the growth of the manufacturing industry. Women of all racial groups slowly began to gravitate to the towns and were drawn into the labour market. Outside the reserves economic opportunities opened up for African women too. Instead of struggling in the reserves without their men (most of whom had gone to the towns find employment, or worked on the mines) they could live in a location (where admittedly housing was scarce and conditions were poor) and seek jobs in the nearby towns. In the 1920s there were not yet any restrictions on the mobility or settlement of African women. The pace of urbanisation and the changing female employment patterns are closely linked. Gender inequalities were, however, very marked. Across the spectrum of the entire labour market, women, whether African, coloured or white, were paid the lowest wages and were given the least skilled jobs. More than 50 of women who were employed outside the reserves in the early 1920s were in domestic service, but other avenues of employment had begun to open up. By 1925, for example, about 12 of women of all racial groups had taken jobs in the industrial sector. This exposure to city life and the bustling economy as we shall see, made women more self-assured and they became more politicized and assertive hellip more prepared to fight for socio-political rights as well as equal rights for women (Walker 1991:14-15). The clothing industry became an important area of industrial employment for women, as were the food, drink and tobacco industries. Through their employment in industry women became drawn into trade unions, and this too, became a significant motivating factor in women39s resistance against gender inequality and social injustice. The influence of the trade unions began to be felt by the 1920s (and the increased rapidly in the 1930s and 1940s), with women such as Ray Alexander, Hetty McLeod, Frances Baard and Bettie du Toit taking the lead and thus empowering the women39s movements. Early female activists such as Charlotte Maxeke, the leader of the Bantu Women39s League (BWL), also had close links with the Industrial and Commercial Workers39 Union (ICU). The ICU was very influential in channeling African political aspirations in the 1920s, although thereafter it faded from the scene. In the 1920s women also became involved in the early Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA). Its radical socialist ideas drew many African supporters in the industrial sector. Prominent women members were Ray Alexander, Mary Wolton and Josie Palmer. However, the CPSA, with its extreme socialism and radical class analysis dictated by the Communist International, fell out with the more enlightened and cautious, consultative approach of the ANC. The CPSA went into decline in the late 1930s, and was later reconstituted (in 1953) as the less extreme South African Communist Party (SACP). The SACP then declared itself willing to co-operate with the ANC and SAIC to bring about political change. Women and rural activism: The Herschel district in the 1920s It was not only in the towns that women became more assertive and pro-active. Historian William Beinart has researched the role of African women in rural politics in the Herschel district of the eastern Cape in the 1920s and 1930s (Bozzoli 1987: 324-357). The increasing level of male migrancy in the region had left many of the women in this remote rural area poverty-stricken and unable to feed their families. The women were dissatisfied with their treatment at the hands of the local traders to whom they sold their surplus produce (such as maize, sorghum and wheat) and from whom they purchased their basic commodities. The trading was completely unregulated and according to the women, the traders kept their prices for produce received extremely low at the same time they raised the prices of the commodities the women had to purchase from them. Bad harvests and drought were followed by years when there were good harvests. To avoid paying higher prices the traders would stockpile produce to see them over the lean years hellip leaving the African families without any cash to purchase basic necessities. The women felt that the traders were taking unfair advantage of their plight and in 1922, under the leadership of local women such as Mrs Annie Sidyiyo, they decided to launch a total boycott of the trading stores. Similar action took place in the Qumbu district. In retaliation the traders had the police charge women who forcibly removed goods that anyone tried to purchase from the stores (thus breaking the boycott). But the arrests and subsequent court appearances merely increased the women39s solidarity. In the end it was the traders who agreed to regulate prices. Women and the Potchefstroom anti-pass campaign, 1928-1930 In Potchefstroom in 1928 the municipal authorities39 demand that women should pay a monthly fee for a lodger39s permits was responsible for determined resistance initiated and led by women. Josie Palmer, a young coloured woman who was a local resident and prominent member of the CPSA took the leading role, and despite the fact that an ANC member, a Mrs Bhola, was also among the main organizers, it is clear that there was considerable Communist Party backing for the initiative. According to Julia Wells there was more militancy, violence and bloodshed than in Bloemfontein (1913) because international communism had influenced the women to join with the men and take the bold step of withdrawing the town39s entire black labour force, leading to a situation of near panic among whites. A mass meeting was held in the location on 16 December 1929 and the organizers urged: lsquoYou have no guns and bombs like your masters but you have your numbers, you have your labour and the power to organize and withhold it39. Violence erupted at the meeting and the police stepped in. Five black people (one of whom later died) were injured in the gunfire as white townspeople squared up against the militant blacks (Wells 1993:73-74). A general strike then followed, continuing until January 1930. The rising popularity of communism in the Potchefstroom location, where there was lsquodire poverty and neglect39 was of great concern to the government and the Department of Native Affairs intervened directly within a year the town women39s demands and the offending legislation was repealed. According to Wells, lsquoPretoria officials recognized that meddling with black women39s status endangered public order, not only because of the protests from the women, but also because of the threat of strike action from their working husbands (Wells 1993: 66-67 73-74). The role of women in the Natal beer riots in 1929 The regulations placed on the brewing of home-made beer in Natal rural districts and small towns in 192829 were the backdrop to another hotbed of resistance on the part of African women. Beer-drinking was a popular social practice among Zulu men, while beer-brewing gave women an opportunity to make a small income and thus allow them to assert their independence. As for the government, it realized that by taking over the informal liquor trade it could curb the women39s aspirations for financial, social and political empowerment and at the same time set up its own beer-canteens. Control over Africans within the reserves and the townships could thus be strengthened. To top it all, a tidy profit could be made to boost funds and put more restrictions in place. With the 1928 Liquor Act in place, police raids duly began. The privacy of homes was invaded houses were wrecked, floors dug up, furniture smashed and liquor confiscated. There were also allegations of sexual harassment by police. Quite apart from the damage to their property, the new regulations hit the women very hard. The production and consumption of utshwala was restricted to municipal canteens. Not only did women lose their income from selling the home-brew, but they also had to watch their husbands using their wages in the canteens, thus making the authorities richer. Moreover the women were enraged that the canteen sold utshwala to its customers at for to five times its cost price. In her article on the beer protests Helen Bradford explains that the women were determined not to be entirely under financial control of the male workers they wanted the opportunity to be independent and this, more than anything else, motivated them to protest (Bradford in Bozzoli 1987: 292-323). They decided to take the matter into their own hands. Backed by the Natal branch of the ICU and joined by some men, they were determined to resist the new regulations, boycott the canteens and force them to close. Bradford claims that the church, and particularly Christianity, was a unifying force among many of the women. One of the main organizers was Ma-Dhlamini who was reputed to be in the forefront of all the demonstrations. In 1929, beginning in Ladysmith, a rash of resistance began to spreading through Natal, focusing on small towns like Weenen, Glencoe, Howick, Dundee. Women marched into the towns in an overtly militant manner, shouting war chants and brandishing their sticks. They raided the canteens and assaulted the male customers. In Durban on 17 June 1929 chaos erupted with 2 000 whites clashing with 6 000 Africans on 17 June 1929. More than 120 people were injured and eight died in the protracted unrest. Cases were heard by local magistrates and some towns issued beer-brewing permits. Sentences were often suspended and a conciliatory approach was followed although some women received harsh sentences. By and large the municipal canteens and the liquor-brewing regulations apparently remained in place. The 1930s - Trade unionism blossoms and women become more assertive crarr The early 1930s were difficult years. There was a worldwide depression and South Africa did not escape its effects. Unemployment soared and there was widespread poverty. Although urban dwellers felt the pinch too, it was the families in the rural areas and particularly those in the reserves that suffered the most. African women struggled to feed their families and often the only option was to go into the towns to look for some means of supplementing the family income often domestic service proved to be the answer. In the 1930s the government made some attempts to stem the flow of African women into the towns, but as women (unlike men) did not yet have to carry compulsory passes, female migration to the towns continued. Many Afrikaners who were still on the land also began to drift into the towns, creating what was called the lsquopoor white39 problem. Urbanisation thus received another boost. Afrikaner women, like their African, Indian and Coloured counterparts, began to enter the labour market in increasing numbers, often finding work in the industrial sector. As women and mothers they had to find a way to escape the endless grind of poverty and give their children a better chance in life. In her article on Afrikaner women in the Garment Workers39 Union (GWU) Vincent (2000:61) quotes a particularly poignant (translated) piece from an Afrikaans trade union newsletter: No beard grows upon my cheeks But in my heart I carry a sword The battle sword for bread and honour Against the poverty which pains my mother hear t. Bread and butter issues motivated women39s to resist in the difficult 1930s. They were primarily concerned with pressing social concerns that affected the entire community: rents, the cost of living, discrimination in the workplace, passes and controls placed on earning a few pennies in the lsquoinformal39 sector. This is why the socialist ideas of the CPSA and the work-oriented trade union movement appealed to women workers across the board. The main movements through which women expressed their growing political awareness in the 1930s were therefore the ANC, the CPSA and the trade union movement. The role of these movements in women39s resistance, tenuous in the late 1920s and 1930s, began to escalate in the 1940s and will be discussed in the next section. Women in the schizophrenic 1940s - World War II and its aftermath crarr The 1940s opened with the devastating Second World War in full swing. This decade also marked the gradual transition from a mining and agricultural economy (before the war) to a flourishing industrial economy with the development of many new secondary industries in its aftermath. By this time the reserves were so depleted that they no longer provided a subsistence base for African families they lived in extreme poverty. Urban blacks in the townships also lived under appalling conditions and Coloured and Indian people fared little better. Walker (1991:71) quotes 1940 statistics showing that 86, 8 of lsquonon-Europeans39 in the urban areas were living below the bread line. Politically, the 1940s were also lsquoschizophrenic39 (showing different faces). The government and the black opposition moved even further apart. This trend was accentuated by significant shifts in both black and white politics. Black politicians became increasingly more militant with the formation, within the ANC, of the Congress Youth League (CYL) in 1943.This group of young, more assertive black leaders were destined to revive the ANC (which had fallen into lethargy in the previous decade) and the CYL began to set the tone for a new spirit of resistance. African women were quick to follow this lead and in 1943 began to press for the formation of a women39s league within the ANC structures so that they, too, could join the struggle against oppression. Black trade unions grew rapidly, fuelled by the growing numbers of urban workers. They were becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the status quo and a number of major strikes and boycotts were held in the 1940s, notably the strike of African mineworkers in 1946. As we shall see, women workers of all races, now a permanent part of the industrial scene, were not slow to play their part in this climate of unrest. Within the trade unions the names of militant working women such as Frances Baard, Lilian Ngoyi and Bertha Mashaba began to be heard. In fact the 1940s and 1950s highlight the changing role of African women, and particularly working-class black women, in South Africa39s political economy. In the 1940s the South African Indian Congress (SAIC) also became more assertive and militant, and in cooperation with the ANC and CPSA took an active part in the growing culture of anti-government resistance. White politics took a dramatic new turn in 1948. The National Party won the whites-only election in 1948 and began systematically to entrench its control. The segregation policies of previous white governments now hardened into the birth of the apartheid regime and as the 1940s gave way to the 1950s the government began to implement a wide range of oppressive apartheid legislation, including attempts to control the mobility of African women and create a stable urban proletariat. The stage was thus set for popular resistance that was to last until 1994 - resistance in which women played an important part. Women, the war, and grassroots protests in the 1940s During the war the cost of living soared and economic hardship increased and women struggled to feed their families. Women in the sprawling squatter camps or informal settlements on the outskirts of the urban areas took on a variety of informal jobs in order to survive. And it was clear that in such dire poverty these women were becoming more politicised. Walker (1991:73-76) claims that most political organisation among women took place at community level and she calls these lsquograssroots protests39. In Cape Town Women39s Food Committees were formed that had links with the trade unions and the CPSA and demonstrated outside parliament about inadequate food supplies. In Johannesburg, women formed the People39s Food Council in 1943 in an effort to improve the distribution of food among other activities it held a conference on the food situation and organised raids on Fordsburg shopkeepers who were suspected of hoarding food. In 1943 the residents (including many women) of Alexandra Township challenged an increase in the bus fare into Johannesburg and boycotted the buses until the bus company relented. Women were active in a number of squatter movements in and around the cities. In Cape Town, Dora Tamana, with CPSA cooperation, organised activism in a squatter camp called Blouvlei. And near Johannesburg black women applauded and supported James Mpanza39s establishment of Shantytown in 1944 in defiance of the regulations against squatting. The Alexandra Women39s Council (AWC) was established at about this time too, and became active in issues relating to housing and squatting. Women also organised a march through Johannesburg in 1947 to protest against the housing shortage, a campaign in which Julia Mpanze was prominent. The restrictions on the home-brewing of beer also roused women into taking action against the authorities. There was unrest in Springs in 1945 when local women, with CPSA backing, organised a boycott of the municipal canteens. This led to police action and many of those who were arrested were women. The ANC Women39s League Part of the rejuvenation process of the ANC in the 1940s was to build up mass membership and the role of women and their potential as a powerful agent of change was at last recognised. Previously women had not been accepted as full members but at an ANC conference held in 1943 it was decided that this should change. At the same time the ANC Women39s League (ANCWL) was formed as a sub-section of the ANC, with Madie Hall-Xuma as its first president. All female members of the ANC thus became ANCWL members. It was also made clear from its establishment that the national struggle for freedom rather than women39s rights would be its focus. Nor was the ANC prepared to have the ANCWL become part of a general non-racial women39s movement it was to be an exclusively ANC body. It apparently took some years before the league was fully operational, during which time its activities were confined to the usual lsquowomen39s workrsquo such as fundraising and catering, functions that were supportive rather than innovative. Provincial congresses were only established after the war in the late 1940s, although there are indications that women participated in discussions about the campaign against passes for men (in the 1940s women did not yet have to carry passes themselves) that were held in 1944. But in 1949 the CYL introduced its Programme of Action, a new ANC president took over and this spirit of revival filtered through to the women39s league. Furthermore, the dynamic Ida Mtwana took over the leadership. Provincial branches of the ANCWL were established, incorporating township women countrywide working-class women with their trade union background also brought a more assertive and impatient attitude into the ANCWL. In 1950 rumours were also rife that the new government was planning to enforce much tighter control of African women39s mobility ndash in other words to make women, like the men, carry the dreaded passes. This news set off a wave of anger that boosted the ANCWL39s profile as a viable resistance organisation. We shall see how the ANCWL expanded in influence and effectiveness in the rising tide of black resistance of the 1950s. Indian women and passive resistance in the 1940s Although Indian women had become involved in Gandhi39s passive resistance of 1913 they did not attempt to form any long-term women39s organisations or play an overt political role again until the 1940s. The SAIC also experienced a period of relative inactivity until the Second World War. The war itself had a radicalising impact on the SAIC and as had happened in the ANC, more assertive leaders took over from the old guard of the SAIC. In 1946 the new leadership challenged the harsh, segregationist Asiatic Land Tenure and Representation Act (the so-called Ghetto Act) that was passed by the government. This law established separate areas of land tenure in Natal towns and placed severe restrictions on Indian settlement. It offered Indians a very insignificant form of lsquorepresentation39 in appeasement, but this was promptly rejected. The SAIC decided to capitalise on the wave of anger that had arisen in the Indian community and launched a campaign of passive resistance. The campaign had an important impact on Indian women, initiating a new political activism in their ranks. Dr Goonam, a young medical doctor, was the main organiser, and in March 1946 a well-attended meeting of Indian women was held. Goonam, Fatima Meer and Mrs NP Desai were the speakers. The women pledged their support for the initiative and many women volunteered. Zainab Asvat, a young medical student was one of the women among the group who set up camp on 13 June 1946 on the plot at the corner of Umbilo Road and Gale Street. They proposed to live there in tents until such time as they were arrested. There were eighteen resisters, six of whom were women: Zainab Asvat, Zohra Bhayat, Amina Pahad, Zubeida Patel of Johannesburg and Mrs Lakshmi Govender and Mrs Veeramah Pather of Durban. Dr GM Naicker, President of the NIC and MD Naidoo, Secretary of the NIC, were the leaders of the group. On the night of Sunday, 16 June, white hooligans overran the camp. After this attack, the leaders asked the women to leave the camp but they refused to go. At a subsequent meeting Zainab Asvat made a fiery speech in which she denounced the violence, denounced discriminatory laws, affirmed the resisters39 commitment and appealed to the people to remain calm but to take note of the circumstances. Zainab was arrested and released later the same night. Her courage and determination were inspirational and several women joined in the campaign. Other Indian women who took a leading role were Mrs Veeramah Pather, Miss Khatija Mayet, Dr K. Goonam and Miss Zohra Meer. In July 1946, Zainab again led a batch of resisters, was arrested, sent to prison for three months. Zainab, Mrs PK Naidoo and Miss Suriakala Patel, were later elected to the Transvaal Indian Congress Committee. Goonam deputised on several occasions while senior NIC men were overseas, and later became the vice-president. These prominent Indian women also made contact with women in the CPSA and the ANC and were drawn into women39s issues like the anti-pass campaign. Amina Cachalia, sister of Zainap Asvat, and Fatima Meer became particularly prominent in the 1950s when women across the race spectrum united under the banner of the Congress Alliance. The turbulent 1950s - Women as defiant activists crarr In the 1950s the government39s increasingly repressive policies began to pose a direct threat to all people of colour, and there was a surge of mass political action by blacks in defiant response. The 1950s certainly proved to be a turbulent decade. We shall see that women were prominent in virtually all these avenues of protest, but to none were they more committed than the anti-pass campaign. Women and the anti-pass campaign 1950-1953 The apartheid regime39s influx control measures and pass laws were what women feared the most and reacted to most vehemently. Their fears were not unfounded. In 1952 the Native Laws Amendment Act tightened influx control, making it an offence for any African (including women) to be in any urban area for more than 72 hours unless in possession of the necessary documentation. The only women who could live legally in the townships were the wives and unmarried daughters of the African men who were eligible for permanent residence. In the same year the Natives (Abolition of Passes and Coordination of Documents Act) was passed. In terms of this act the many different documents African men had been required to carry were replaced by a single one - the reference book - which gave details of the holder39s identity, employment, place of legal residence, payment of taxes, and, if applicable, permission to be in the urban areas. The act further stipulated that African women, at an unspecified date in the near future, would for the first time be required to carry reference books. Women were enraged by this direct threat to their freedom of movement and their anti-pass campaign, as Walker puts it lsquowas one of the most vociferous and effective protest campaigns of any at the time39 (1991:125). Protests started as early as 1950 when rumours of the new legislation were leaked in the press. Meetings and demonstrations were held in a number of centres including Langa, Uitenhage, East London, Cape Town and Pietermaritzburg. In the Durban protests in March 1950, Bertha Mkize of the ANCWL was a leading figure, while in Port Elizabeth Florence Matomela (the provincial president of the ANCWL) led a demonstration in which passes were burnt. By 1953 there were still sporadic demonstrations taking place and these accelerated when local officials began to enforce the new pass regulations. Reaction was swift and hostile. On 4 January 1953, hundreds of African men and women assembled in the Langa township outside Cape Town to protest against the new laws. Delivering a fiery speech to the crowd Dora Tamana, a member of the ANC Women39s League and later a founding member of the Federation of South African Women, declared: We women will never carry these passes. This is something that touches my heart. I appeal to you young Africans to come forward and fight. These passes make the road even narrower for us. We have seen unemployment, lack of accommodation and families broken because of passes. We have seen it with our men. Who will look after our children when we go to jail for a small technical offence - not having a pass The Defiance Campaign is launched and women step forward In June 1952 the ANC and SAIC initiated a cooperative initiative known as the Defiance Campaign. Radical tactics of defiance were to be employed to exert pressure on the government. This was in line with the ANC39s declared lsquoProgramme of Action39 of 1949. Volunteers from the ANC and SAIC (the CPSA had disbanded in 1950) began to publicly defy discriminatory laws and invite arrest, filling the jails and over-extending the judicial system. Women were prominent in many of these defiant incidents. Florence Matomela was among 35 activists arrested in Port Elizabeth and Bibi Dawood recruited 800 volunteers in Worcester. Fatima Meer, an Indian woman, was arrested for her role in the unrest and was subsequently banned. Another woman to come to the fore during the Defiance Campaign was Lilian Ngoyi, who later became president of both the ANCWL and FSAW. She had previously kept a very low profile and been involved in church-related organisations, but the Defiance Campaign made her realize that only by adopting a more aggressive and militant approach would the government be fully aware of the commitment of women to the national struggle for freedom. Women39s involvement in the Defiance Campaign certainly proved to be an important stimulus in their political development across the board. It not only strengthened the ANCWL but also motivated women to establish the FSAW. The Federation of South African Women (FSAW or FEDSAW) Three important female activists were in Port Elizabeth in April 1953 at the time when the Defiance Campaign was underway and there was widespread political unrest in the region. Influx control measures had just been implemented in the region a few months before and had created a storm of protest from the people. The three women were Florence Matomela (eastern Cape president of the ANCWL), Frances Baard, who was a leading local figure in the Food and Canning Worker39s Union (FCWU) and Ray Alexander, the general secretary of the FCWU, who was in Port Elizabeth to attend a trade union conference. The three decided among themselves that the time was right to call women to a meeting to discuss the formation of a national women39s organization. No record was kept of the informal meeting held that same evening, but Ray Alexander later said that it had been attended by about 40 women. Other than Alexander, a Mrs Pillay, a Miss Damons and Gus Coe, most of the women were Africans. Although from various different organizations all the women were committed to the Congress Alliance and the Defiance Campaign that had been initiated the previous year. Ray Alexander pointed out the advantages of an umbrella body that would devise a national strategy to fight against the issues of importance to women: every-day matters such as rising food and transport costs, passes and influx control. The women were enthusiastic in their response and Ray Alexander was asked to pursue the matter further. Ray Alexander was based in Cape Town so the planning for the initial conference was done there. Hilda Watts (Bernstein), also a communist and an experienced political campaigner, was asked to handle the Johannesburg wing of the committee. Subsequently Johannesburg and Cape Town were to become the main FSAW centres. An energetic, skilled organizer who had been a tireless campaigner for women39s rights since the 1930s, Ray Alexander was the ideal woman for the job. She co-opted a number of influential women country-wide to help her but her individual contribution was enormous. All the major organizations were represented in her lsquowomen39s committee39 including the ANC Women39s Leaguers, trade unionists, members of the SAIC, of the Transvaal All-Women39s Union and of the Congress of Democrats(COD). The COD had been formed when the CPSA had disbanded in 1950 it thus included many of the ex-Communist Party members. The committee met regularly to plan the coming conference. Other notable women involved were Ida Mtwana (ANC Women39s League), Josie Palmer (ex-CPSA and Transvaal All-Women39s Union), Helen Joseph (COD), Amina Cachalia and Mrs M Naidoo (SAIC) and three trade unionists: Bettie du Toit, Lucy Mvubelo and Hetty du Preez. Ray Alexander also went to Durban to coordinate plans with women in Natal, where Dr K Goonam, Fatima Meer and Fatima Seedat of the SAIC and Bertha Mkize and Henrietta Ostrich of the ANC, were consulted for their views. Invitations to the inaugural conference of the FSAW were sent out in March 1954, signed by 63 women who supported the aims of the Congress Alliance. The Federation of South African Women (FEDSAW or FSAW) was launched on 17 April 1954 in the Trades Hall in Johannesburg, and was the first attempt to establish a national, broad-based women39s organisation. One hundred and forty-six delegates, representing 230,000 women from all parts of South Africa, attended the founding conference and pledged their support for the broadly-based objectives of the Congress Alliance. The specific aims of FSAW were to bring the women of South Africa together to secure full equality of opportunity for all women, regardless of race, colour or creed, as well as to remove their social, legal and economic disabilities. A draft Women39s Charter was presented by Hilda Bernstein, and in complete identification with the national liberation movement as represented by the Congress Alliance, the Women39s Charter called for the enfranchisement of men and women of all races for equality of opportunity in employment equal pay for equal work equal rights in relation to property, marriage and children and the removal of all laws and customs that denied women such equality. It further demanded paid maternity leave, childcare for working mothers, and free and compulsory education for all South African children. These demands were later incorporated into the Freedom Charter that was adopted by the Congress of the People, held in Kliptown near Johannesburg, from 25-26 June 1955. The administrative groundwork of the newly-established FSAW evolved over the months that followed, but a national executive committee was formed at the inaugural conference in April 1954. Ida Mtwana was elected as national president (she was also the presiding ANCWL president), which indicated the key role the ANC (the senior partner of the Democratic Alliance) was destined to play in the new organisation. Ray Alexander became the national secretary and the vice presidents were Gladys Smith, Lilian Ngoyi, Bertha Mkize and Florence Matomela. The women were unanimous in their opinion that the inaugural conference had been an unqualified success. On Hilda Watts39 suggestion men volunteers had been assigned the catering responsibilities for the conference. This was symbolic. As Ida Mtwana put it: lsquoGone are the days when the place of women was in the kitchen and looking after the children. Today they are marching side by side with men in the road to freedom39 ( Walker 1991:154). Women39s role in the Congress of the People and the Freedom Charter By the time the FSAW had been established in 1954 the Defiance Campaign had fizzled out. This is not to say that it had failed, despite it shortcomings. But the government had weathered the defiance and was introducing yet more of its apartheid measures with persistent vigour. It became clear that the national liberation movement needed to adopt a new initiative. The Congress Alliance began to organise the Congress of the People once again women were destined to play an important role. This despite the fact that many of the leading women activists in the ANCWL and FSAW including Ray Alexander, were banned and had to cut their ties with the organisation. In August 1954 the Congress Alliance asked the FSAW to assist in organising the Congress of the People and the women agreed with enthusiasm. They were to help organise local bodies and recruit new grassroots support for the Alliance by holding house meetings and local conferences. This they did with great success in the opening months of 1955. In addition they took on the huge task of arranging accommodation for the more than 2 000 expected delegates. Their input gave the women an opportunity to lobby for the incorporation of some of their demands into the Freedom Charter adopted at the mass meeting. Walker (1991:183) shows that although the FSAW was closely involved in the planning of the Congress of the People, women only played a limited role in the actual meeting. On 25-26 June 1955 nearly 3 000 delegates gathered at Kliptown. There were 721 women delegates in the official tally of 2 848 ndash in other words only about a quarter of the delegates at the Congress of the People were women. There were a few women, including Sonia Bunting, who spoke from the floor, but Helen Joseph, who was the FSAW39s Transvaal secretary, was the only female platform speaker. The clause that she proposed on behalf of women, that of the need for lsquohouses, security and comfort39, including free medical treatment for mothers and young children, was in fact subsequently included in the Freedom Charter. Frances Baard, a prominent trade unionist and member of the executive committee of the FSAW, was involved in the compilation of the Freedom Charter. In September 1955 the protest against the imposition of passes for women became the primary concern for the ANCWL and the FSAW but for black women across the board. This anti-pass campaign peaked with a massive demonstration of lsquowomen39s power39 in August 1956. After the Pretoria march the campaign continued until the end of the 1950s, with in Zeerust in 1957, Johannesburg in 1958 and Natal in 1959. In 1960, as will be seen, FSAW39s plans were abruptly halted in the wake of the Sharpeville unrest when the government banned the ANC. FSAW had been dealt a severe blow. In December 1956 several female activists were involved in another high profile incident. In a determined effort to try to curtail the national liberation movement, the government rounded up and arrested 156 leaders of the Congress Alliance. Among those detained were leading women such as Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Annie Silinga and Francis Baard. They were accused of plotting to overthrow the government, and were tried in the infamous Treason Trial that lasted for four and a half years. During this protracted period women of the FSAW and ANCWL helped to organise support for the treason trialists and their families. The women39s 1955 anti-pass campaign In September 1955 the issue of passes burst into the public eye again when the government announced that it would start issuing reference books to black women from January 1956. Women, now politicised and well-organised into a powerful resistance movement, immediately rose to the challenge. No longer were they merely regarded as mothers, bound to the home they were independent and assertive adult South Africans. Passes threatened their basic rights of freedom and family life and they were going to resist them with everything they had. They were unequivocal in their message to the government: We shall not rest until ALL pass laws and all forms of permits restricting our freedoms have been abolished. We shall not rest until we have won for our children their fundamental rights of freedom, justice and security. As Walker puts it, the anti-pass protests by women in the 1950s were a good indication that they had thrown off the shackles of the past. The demonstrations that the women launched were, in her view, lsquoprobably the most successful and militant of any resistance campaign mounted at that time39. She sees them as the lsquopolitical highpoint of 1956, not only for the women who took part but for the entire Congress Alliance39 (Walker 1991). The Federation of South African Women (FSAW) that had been formed the previous year was beginning to assert itself by 1955. It was by now an accepted organisation within the ambit of the Congress Alliance, regional branches had been set up and mass membership was growing throughout the country. Furthermore it had links with other major women39s organisations including the powerful ANC Women39s League (ANCWL). A march to Pretoria to present women39s grievances had been mooted in August 1955, and when the pass issue came to the fore in September the scale and urgency of the demonstration increased dramatically. The demonstration took place on 27 October 1955, and was a great success. This was despite organisational difficulties ndash including police intimidation, and the banning of Josie Palmer, one of the main organisers, a week before the date of the gathering. Furthermore, in addition to police action, the government had been as obstructionist as it could. The then Minister of Native Affairs, HF Verwoerd, under whose jurisdiction the pass laws fell, pointedly refused to receive any multiracial delegation. Pretoria City Council refused the women permission to hold the meeting and saw to it that public transport was stalled to make it difficult for the women to get to the Pretoria venue. Private transport had to be arranged and evasive tactics adopted for a multitude of other obstructionist measures launched by the authorities. In the circumstances it was surprising, and very gratifying to the organisers that a crowd of between 1 000 and 2 000 women gathered in the grounds of the Union Buildings in Pretoria. Although the majority were African women, White, Coloured and Indian women also attended. The crowd, most of whom came from the Rand towns, was orderly and dignified throughout the proceedings. They handed their bundles of signed petitions to Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Rahima Moosa and Sophie Williams, the main organisers, who deposited them at the ministers39 office doors. In the aftermath of the demonstration the government tried to downplay its influence by alleging (erroneously) that the meeting had only been successful because the organisation had been in the hands of white women. That black women of the FSAW and ANCWL had in fact played a central role was evident when a few months later Lilian Ngoyi became the first woman to be elected to the national executive of the ANC (Walker 1991). Preparations for the 1956 Women39s March The success of the October 1955 gathering was highly motivating and buoyed up the women to capitalise on their success. From 1955 onwards the pass issue became the single most important focus of their militancy. The ANC, as the major anti-government party identified itself closely with the campaign reiterating that the pass struggle lsquowas not one for women alone, but for all African people39. But at its annual conference of 1955, but did not appear to have a specific strategy in mind. In marked contrast the FSAW immediately set about working on a plan of meetings, demonstrations, and local initiatives. The women, carried along by a mass following of females countrywide, recognised the authority of the ANC but were not prepared to delay their own preparations. Meetings held across the country on the anti-pass ticket proved to be remarkably successful, and were attended by huge crowds. Meetings in Free State towns in late 1955 and in Port Elizabeth in January 1956, Johannesburg in March 1956 and those in Durban, East London Cape Town and Germiston all went off well. The mood was militant, with Annie Silinga declaring: lsquowe women are prepared to fight these passes until victory is ours39 ( Walker 1991:191). In reply the government threatened reprisals, but when it finally began issuing reference books it did so unobtrusively, starting in white agricultural areas and smaller towns, choosing Winburg in the Free State, where FSAW presence was minimal and the women were not well-informed. Here, on 22 March 1956, they issued 1 429 black women with reference books and met with little reaction. Senior ANC officials were thereupon designated to go to Winburg immediately and Lilian Ngoyi and several men arrived in the town the next week and addressed the women. Inspired by the presence of Ngoyi, who was an excellent orator, the local women defiantly marched into town and publicly burnt their new reference books outside the magistrate39s office. The authorities reacted swiftly the offenders were arrested and charged. Subsequently it was reported that their monthly pensions would not be paid to them unless they could produce their reference books. Again there was a wave of protest from all parts of the country, and anti-pass demonstrations were held in 38 different venues. The authorities continued to send out their units to issue the hated reference books. It was unwelcome news to the FSAW organisers that the government was persevering and that by September 1956 it had visited 37 small centres and succeeded in issuing 23 000 books. Although none of the major ANC strongholds had been visited and women throughout the country were in militant mood, it was clear that drastic action would have to be taken and fast. It decided to organise another massive march to Pretoria. This time women would come from all parts of the country, not just the Rand. They vowed that the prime minister, JG Strijdom, would be left in no doubt about how the women felt about having to carry passes. The organization of this event was to culminate in the 1956 Womenrsquos March. We have put together a special page on this event. 1956 - The Women39s March: Pretoria, 9 August lsquoStrijdom, you have tampered with the women, You have struck a rock.39So runs the song composed to mark this historic occasion By the middle of 1956 plans had been laid for the Pretoria march and the FSAW had written to request that JG Strijdom, the current prime minister, meet with their leaders so they could present their point of view. The request was refused. The ANC then sent Helen Joseph and Bertha Mashaba on a tour of the main urban areas, accompanied by Robert Resha of the ANC and Norman Levy of the Congress of Democrats (COD). The plan was to consult with local leaders who would then make arrangements to send delegates to the mass gathering in August. The Women39s March was a spectacular success. Women from all parts of the country arrived in Pretoria, some from as far afield as Cape Town and Port Elizabeth. They then flocked to the Union Buildings in a determined yet orderly manner. Estimates of the number of women delegates ranged from 10 000 to 20 000, with FSAW claiming that it was the biggest demonstration yet held. They filled the entire amphitheatre in the bow of the graceful Herbert Baker building. Walker describes the impressive scene: Many of the African women wore traditional dress, others wore the Congress colours, green, black and gold Indian women were clothed in white saris. Many women had babies on their backs and some domestic workers brought their white employers39 children along with them. Throughout the demonstration the huge crowd displayed a discipline and dignity that was deeply impressive (Walker 1991:195). Neither the prime minister or any of his senior staff was there to see the women, so as they had done the previous year, the leaders left the huge bundles of signed petitions outside JG Strijdom39s office door. It later transpired that they were removed before he bothered to look at them. Then at Lilian Ngoyi39s suggestion, a masterful tactic, the huge crowd stood in absolute silence for a full half hour. Before leaving (again in exemplary fashion) the women sang lsquoNkosi sikeleli Afrika39. Without exception, those who participated in the event described it as a moving and emotional experience. The FSAW declared that it was a lsquomonumental achievement39. The significance of the Women39s March must be analysed. Women had once again shown that the stereotype of women as politically inept and immature, tied to the home, was outdated and inaccurate. And as they had done the previous year, the Afrikaans press tried to give the impression that it was whites who had lsquorun the show39. This was blatantly untrue. The FSAW and the Congress Alliance gained great prestige form the obvious success of the venture. The FSAW had come of age politically and could no longer be underrated as a recognised organisation ndash a remarkable achievement for a body that was barely 2 years old. The Alliance decided that 9 August would henceforth be celebrated as Women39s Day, and it is now, in the new South Africa, commemorated each year as a national holiday. Passes for African Women The Governments first attempts to force women to carry passes and permits had been a major fiasco. In 1913, government officials in the Orange Free State declared that women living in the urban townships would be required to buy new entry permits each month. In response, the women sent deputations to the Government, collected thousands of signatures on petitions, and organised massive demonstrations to protest the permit requirement. Unrest spread throughout the province and hundreds of women were sent to prison. Civil disobedience and demonstrations continued sporadically for several years. Ultimately the permit requirement was withdrawn. No further attempts were made to require permits or passes for African women until the 1950s. Although laws requiring such documents were enacted in 1952, the Government did not begin issuing permits to women until 1954 and reference books until 1956. The issuing of permits began in the Western Cape, which the Government had designated a quotColoured preference areaquot. Within the boundaries established by the Government, no African workers could be hired unless the Department of Labour determined that Coloured workers were not available. Foreign Africans were to be removed from the area altogether. No new families would be allowed to enter, and women and children who did not qualify to remain would be sent back to the reserves. The entrance of the migrant labourers would henceforth be strictly controlled. Male heads of households, whose families had been endorsed out or prevented from entering the area, were housed with migrant workers in single-sex hostels. The availability of family accommodations was so limited that the number of units built lagged far behind the natural increase in population. In order to enforce such drastic influx control measures, the Government needed a means of identifying women who had no legal right to remain in the Western Cape. According to the terms of the Native Laws Amendment Act, women with Section 10(1)(a), (b), or (c) status were not compelled to carry permits. Theoretically, only women in the Section 10(1)(d) category - that is, work-seekers or women with special permission to remain in the urban area - were required to possess such documents. In spite of their legal exemption, women with Section 10(1)(a), (b), and (c) rights were issued permits by local authorities which claimed that the documents were for their own protection. Any woman who could not prove her (a), (b), or (c) status was liable to arrest and deportation. Soon after permits were issued to women in the Western Cape, local officials began to enforce the regulations throughout the Union. Reaction to the new system was swift and hostile. Even before the Western Cape was designated a quotColoured preference areaquot, Africans were preparing for the inevitable. On January 4, 1953, hundreds of African men and women assembled in the Langa township outside Cape Town to protest the impending application of the Native Laws Amendment Act. Delivering a fiery speech to the crowd Dora Tamana, a member of the ANC Womenrsquos League and a founding member of the Federation of South African Women, declared: We, women, will never carry these passes. This is something that touches my heart. I appeal to you young Africans to come forward and fight. These passes make the road even narrower for us. We have seen unemployment, lack of accommodation and families broken because of passes. We have seen it with our men. Who will look after our children when we go to jail for a small technical offence -- not having a pass Passes for African Women Adopted at the Founding Conference of the Federation of South African Women Johannesburg, 17 April 1954 (The Charter expressed the philosophy and aims of the newly established Federation of South African Women (FSAW). It was adopted at the inaugural conference and included in the final report of the conference.) We, the women of South Africa, wives and mothers, working women and housewives, African, Indians, European and Coloured, hereby declare our aim of striving for the removal of all laws, regulations, conventions and customs that discriminate against us as women, and that deprive us in any way of our inherent right to the advantages, responsibilities and opportunities that society offers to any one section of the population. A Single Society: We women do not form a society separate from the men. There is only one society, and it is made up of both women and men. As women we share the problems and anxieties of our men, and join hands with them to remove social evils and obstacles to progress. Test of Civilisation: The level of civilisation which any society has reached can be measured by the degree of freedom that its members enjoy. The status of women is a test of civilisation. Measured by that standard, South Africa must be considered low in the scale of civilised nations. We women share with our menfolk the cares and anxieties imposed by poverty and its evils. As wives and mothers, it falls upon us to make small wages stretch a long way. It is we who feel the cries of our children when they are hungry and sick. It is our lot to keep and care for the homes that are too small, broken and dirty to be kept clean. We know the burden of looking after children and land when our husbands are away in the mines, on the farms, and in the towns earning our daily bread. We know what it is to keep family life going in pondokkies and shanties, or in overcrowded one-room apartments. We know the bitterness of children taken to lawless ways, of daughters becoming unmarried mothers whilst still at school, of boys and girls growing up without education, training or jobs at a living wage. These are evils that need not exist. They exist because the society in which we live is divided into poor and rich, into non-European and European. They exist because there are privileges for the few, discrimination and harsh treatment for the many. We women have stood and will stand shoulder to shoulder with our menfolk in a common struggle against poverty, race and class discrimination, and the evils of the colourbar. As members of the National Liberatory movements and Trade Unions, in and through our various organisations, we march forward with our men in the struggle for liberation and the defence of the working people. We pledge ourselves to keep high the banner of equality, fraternity and liberty. As women there rests upon us also the burden of removing from our society all the social differences developed in past times between men and women, which have the effect of keeping our sex in a position of inferiority and subordination. We resolve to struggle for the removal of laws and customs that deny African women the right to own, inherit or alienate property. We resolve to work for a change in the laws of marriage such as are found amongst our African, Malay and Indian people, which have the effect of placing wives in the position of legal subjection to husbands, and giving husbands the power to dispose of wives39 property and earnings, and dictate to them in all matters affecting them and their children. We recognise that the women are treated as minors by these marriage and property laws because of ancient and revered traditions and customs which had their origin in the antiquity of the people and no doubt served purposes of great value in bygone times. There was a time in the African society when every woman reaching marriageable stage was assured of a husband, home, land and security. Then husbands and wives with their children belonged to families and clans that supplied most of their own material needs and were largely self-sufficient. Men and women were partners in a compact and closely integrated family unit. Those conditions have gone. The tribal and kinship society to which they belonged has been destroyed as a result of the loss of tribal land, migration of men away from the tribal home, the growth of towns and industries, and the rise of a great body of wage-earners on the farms and in the urban areas, who depend wholly or mainly on wages for a livelihood. Thousands of African women, like Indians, Coloured and European women, are employed today in factories, homes, offices, shops, on farms, in professions as nurses, teachers and the like. As unmarried women, widows or divorcees they have to fend for themselves, often without the assistance of a male relative. Many of them are responsible not only for their own livelihood but also that of their children. Large numbers of women today are in fact the sole breadwinners and heads of their families. Nevertheless, the laws and practices derived from an earlier and different state of society are still applied to them. They are responsible for their own person and their children. Yet the law seeks to enforce upon them the status of a minor. Not only are African, Coloured and Indian women denied political rights, but they are also in many parts of the Union denied the same status as men in such matters as the right to enter into contracts, to own and dispose of property, and to exercise guardianship over their children. Obstacle to Progress: The law has lagged behind the development of society it no longer corresponds to the actual social and economic position of women. The law has become an obstacle to progress of the women, and therefore a brake on the whole of society. This intolerable condition would not be allowed to continue were it not for the refusal of a large section of our menfolk to concede to us women the rights and privileges which they demand for themselves. We shall teach the men that they cannot hope to liberate themselves from the evils of discrimination and prejudice as long as they fail to extend to women complete and unqualified equality in law and in practice. We also recognise that large numbers of our womenfolk continue to be bound by traditional practices and conventions, and fail to realise that these have become obsolete and a brake on progress. It is our duty and privilege to enlist all women in our struggle for emancipation and to bring to them all realisation of the intimate relationship that exists between their status of inferiority as women and the inferior status to which their people are subjected by discriminatory laws and colour prejudices. It is our intention to carry out a nation-wide programme of education that will bring home to the men and women of all national groups the realisation that freedom cannot be won for any one section or for the people as a whole as long as we women are kept in bondage. We women appeal to all progressive organisations, to members of the great National Liberatory movements, to the trade unions and working class organisations, to the churches, educational and welfare organisations, to all progressive men and women who have the interests of the people at heart, to join with us in this great and noble endeavour. We declare the following aims: This organisation is formed for the purpose of uniting women in common action for the removal of all political, legal, economic and social disabilities. We shall strive for women to obtain: The right to vote and to be elected to all State bodies, without restriction or discrimination. The right to full opportunities for employment with equal pay and possibilities of promotion in all spheres of work. Equal rights with men in relation to property, marriage and children, and for the removal of all laws and customs that deny women such equal rights. For the development of every child through free compulsory education for all for the protection of mother and child through maternity homes, welfare clinics, creches and nursery schools, in countryside and towns through proper homes for all, and through the provision of water, light, transport, sanitation, and other amenities of modern civilisation. For the removal of all laws that restrict free movement, that prevent or hinder the right of free association and activity in democratic organisations, and the right to participate in the work of these organisations. To build and strengthen women39s sections in the National Liberatory movements, the organisation of women in trade unions, and through the peoples39 varied organisation. To cooperate with all other organisations that have similar aims in South Africa as well as throughout the world. To strive for permanent peace throughout the world. Women39s March Interviews In the year, 2000, four young oral historians interviewed fourteen women who participated in the 1956 March. Here are extracts from three interviews. In the year, 2000, four young oral historians interviewed fourteen women who participated in the 1956 March. Here are extracts from three interviews (Q: Indicates interviewer39s question) Interview One: Dorothy Masenya (DM) (Interviewed in English) Q: What motivated you to, finally, say ldquoI39m taking the government with its horns I39m facing the bull with its hornsrdquo What motivated you to take part in the March itself DM: Well I felt as an African woman I should to do something. I39m Black when I feel to be. What will I have done for the nation, yes Q: So you felt you were concerned DM: I was very concerned, directly, because this would come down even with our descendants. Q: How did the women get to Pretoria DM: Yes, we all converged, other people from other centres, Johannesburg. They were coming by trains and thing like that Springs, East Rand and things like thathellip In fact old people older people were given lifts by the patronage from Johannesburg and other countries. But we were a big force. Also from Lady Selbourne. We had a very big force to join the others. We met somewhere in town there hellip Did we meet at Boom Street Boom and Andries but not very far from the hospital there that. Q: Can you just give us briefly what was the mood How did you feel DM: (laughter) We because now, really, we had never carried passes. We were all enthusiastic to get there and see this Boer bass and tell him that we are not going to carry those things. So there were the ladies oh Mrs Moodley, Helen, Lilian Ngoyi, oh they were very many I remember hellip. oh ja Bertha Mashaba, hellip Amina Cachalia. Yes she was young ladyhellip. We had so many things to talk about really. As I say, in fact we wanted to see whether were these were we gong to be arrested, or where would they find a prison to fill up this entire mob. You see that was the big idea o a bona you see if they arrest one we all walk in and no turning back. We are all just there for hellip. So instead, really they gave us a way out. Nobody was arrested on that day. Interview Two: Caroline Motsoaledi (CM) (Interviewed in Northern Sotho and translated into English) Q: Can you explain a little bit about the March, how it was organized, how did you organize the women, where did you get transport money to Pretoria CM: We use to convene meetings now and then at Mzimhlophe. Many people organized at their own branches. We were using trains for transport, to Pretoria. We walked to the Union Building we sat in the garden. Our leaders went inside the building to submit memorandum to Strijdom but they did not find him. There was no one to receive and read the memorandum. Our leaders called us into the courtyard. Interview Three: Magdalene Matshadi Tsoane (MT) and Rahaba Mahlakedi Moeketsi (RM) (Interviewed together in Northern Sotho and translated into English) Q: How did you feel as you were mixed according to race RM: I can say I was happy to work with different people but the people I have enjoyed most were the Indians. I have many friends in India. People like Amina Cachalia were there. MT: We also worked very closely with people like Lilian Ngoyi and many more. During the march we were together with Ma-Moeketsi and others. I was always with Ma-Moeketsi. Q: Can you tell us a little bit about the South African Federation of Women RM: I am the one who was the member of that organization. I was working with many white women in this organization. We use to attend meetings in Johannesburg. Q: Were you not afraid for your children during the 1956 March RM: No, we had our children on our backs during the March. Many women had their children with them during the March. Some were carrying the white children with them, those who were working for whites. Q: Tell us about the songs you sung. MT: We were singing the song, which says 39Verwoerd, the black people will kill you and we do not want Bantu Education39(quotVerwoerd, batho ba bantsho ba tlo go bolaya and gape ga re batle Bantu Education). And the song was saying: 39If you strike a woman, you strike a rock39(39Wathint39aBafazi, waThint39iMbokodo39) Q: Can you sing one song for us RM and MT: Yes it goes like this Singing quotForward we go to Pretoria, Forward we go to Pretoriaquot.(Yona ere: quotPele re aya Pretoria, pele re aya Pretoriaquot.) FEDSAW anti-pass flyer quotRepeal the Pass Laws. A Great Demonstration to Parliament. quot Flyer issued by the Federation of South African Women and the ANC Women39s League (Cape Western), Repeal the Pass Laws Who knows better than any African woman what it means to have a husband who must carry a pass The women know that: PASSES MEAN PRISON PASSES MEAN BROKEN HOMES PASSES MEAN SUFFERING AND MISERY FOR EVERY AFRICAN FAMILY IN OUR COUNTRY PASSES ARE JUST ANOTHER WAY IN WHICH THE GOVERNMENT MAKES SLAVES OF THE AFRICANS PASSES MEAN HUNGER AND UNEMPLOYMENT PASSES ARE AN INSULT. And the Government is trying to force our WOMEN to carry passes too. No woman is fooled by the quotReference Book. quot We know that this is the same as a pass. If a woman is found without this book or if all the papers inside are not in order, she will be pushed into the Kwela-Kwela and taken to gaol. Her children will be left motherless. TO PAY 36 FOR THIS 3939REFERENCE BOOK3939 IS TO BUY SLAVERY Why should women carry passes The Government has tried to make women carry passes for many years and each time the women have given their answer. By standing united, protesting with one voice and organising all areas around this wicked law, the women are trying to achieve the abolition of the pass law system with its vicious attack on their liberty. AS IN THE BUS BOYCOTT, THE GOVERNMENT MUST FAIL THIS TIME TOO. Women of South Africa will always oppose the carrying of passes. With all our strength we must fight against this attack on ourselves, our mothers, sisters, children and families. EVERY WOMAN MUST SIGN A PLEDGE. STATING HER FIRM OPPOSITION TO THE PASS SYSTEM. Let us pledge ourselves to end the whole pass system--for men as well as for women Let us have the biggest demonstration of women ever held. Let us show Verwoerd that we will never bow down to his brutality. DOWN WITH THE PASS SYSTEM Passes are passports to prisons. LET US GIVE THE GOVERNMENT THE ANSWER BY HOLDlNG: A GREAT DEMONSTRATION TO PARLIAMENT on THURSDAY, 13th JUNE, 1957, at 2 p. m. Meeting Place at Medical Centre, Dock Road (Bottom of St. George39s Street), Cape Town Issued by: Federation of SA Woment and the ANC Women39s League (Cape Western), PO Box 2706, Cape Town. Printed by Pioneer Press (pty.) Ltd. Forgate Street, Woodstock, Cape Source: From Protest to Challenge, A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa 1882-1964, Edited by Thomas Karis and Gwendolin Carter, Vol.3, p.403, Challenge and Violence 1953-1964, Thomas Karis and Gail M Gerhart, Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1977. Women39s resistance in the 1960s - Sharpeville and its aftermath crarr Sharpeville Massacre. Running from the violence after police open fire on the protesters. October 1960. copy Private collection, Franco Fuscure. As the 1950s gave way to the 1960s the ANC and PAC both announced plans to tackle the pass laws for blacks (both men and women) with massive protests, civil disobedience and pass burnings. There was a sense of rivalry between the two organisations to get their campaigns off the ground first. Suddenly the country was rocked by the events of 21 March in Sharpeville where people had gathered to show the police that they did not have their passes ndash and thus to invite arrest. In the general confusion and escalating tension of the situation, police shot and killed 69 people. World headlines condemned this callous example of unwarranted police repression against unarmed Africans. Predictably, and almost immediately, there was a government crackdown of all black opposition. At a single stroke the national liberation movement was stopped (temporarily, at least) in its tracks and the Congress Alliance was plunged into disarray. The government declared a state of emergency, hundreds of arrests were made and in April 1960 the ANC and newly-formed PAC were banned as lawful political parties. Both organizations were driven underground. By mid-1961 Congress leaders had come to the realization that non-violent methods of resistance had failed and would have to be abandoned the ANC and PAC both established military wings - Umkhonto we Sizwe and Poqo respectively. The new strategy was to turn to violence, to try to harm the economy and to gain publicity for the fact that the ANC was still a viable organization despite being banned. The decline of the Federation of South African Women The banning of the ANC in 1960 threw the FSAW into a hopeless position. It had been conceived on the 1950s model of resistance and it was doomed to flounder in the 1960s. It had not been banned but its ally, the ANC, had been driven underground. The immediate goal was to try to regroup. Its most prominent female leaders, Ngoyi and Joseph, had been detained. Some went into exile and worked for the ANC, such as Ruth Mompati, for example, who became secretary of the ANCWL in Tanzania in 1962. Similarly, Hilda Bernstein escaped to London and became a member of the External Mission and the ANCWL. But those who remained in South Africa were hamstrung because their FSAW structures were no longer in place. In early 1961 it was decided that regional organisers should try to manage resistance at the ground level. Certain regional organisations such as the Federation of Transvaal Women (FEDTRAW), Natal Organisation of Women (NOW) and the United Women39s Congress (UWCO) in the Western Cape, were formed to circumvent the difficulty and try to move ahead. Women like Dorothy Nyembe, who became President of the Natal Rural Areas Committee still played a role at local level. In 1962 she organised anti-government demonstrations among rural women during the Natal Women39s Revolt. By September 1961 the FSAW had made enough ground to hold a reasonably well-attended national conference in Port Elizabeth and Lilian Ngoyi and Helen Joseph were re-elected. Ngoyi was upbeat in her report and her reminder that freedom was not easily won. But bad times were near at hand. In October Ngoyi was banned and confined to Orlando for 5 years. Florence Matomela of the eastern Cape section suffered a similar fate. And in early 1962 there was worse to come. Helen Joseph39s banning order expired but she was served another within a few months, becoming the first person to be confined to house arrest. With the loss of its three main leaders there was no chance of revival. In 1963 the Congress of Democrats (COD) was banned which was another blow for many politically active women. In the next few years more of the leading women were removed from office in the organisation by government orders and arrests. The list included, among others, Albertina Sisulu, Mary Moodley, Amina Cachalia, Liz Abrahams and Bertha Mashaba. In 1965 Ray Alexander went into exile in Zambia. By the mid-1960s the FSAW had declined into obscurity. But the spirit of women39s resistance had not been destroyed. As Walker puts it lsquoAfter a period of apparent dormancy in the late 1960s ndash the result of the massive crackdown of the previous years ndash women began to regroup in the 1970s39 (Walker 1991:275). New resistance stirs: Student activism and Black Consciousness in the 1960s In the vacuum caused by the banning of the ANC and PAC, the late 1960s saw the early rise of a new source of resistance ndash the Black Consciousness Movement. It was black students who took the initiative. They were angered by a snub from the white student body and formed their own organisation, the South African Students39 Organisation (SASO) led by Steve Biko, through which they planned to formulate their own political ideas and strategies. The Black Consciousness ideology is not the issue here, so suffice it to say that its adherents rejected white partnership and sought to emphasise and promote black self-esteem and assertiveness. The movement came to prominence in the 1970s, but the first significant group to identify with Black Consciousness principles was SASO, and it held its first conference in 1969. These black students were studying under very difficult circumstances in university campuses and it is unlikely, although not impossible, that there were many women students among them. Certainly Mamphela Ramphele began her medical studies at the University of Natal in 1967 (where Steve Biko began his in 1966) and it was here that she met and fell in love with Biko, who became the leader of the Black Consciousness Movement. She too was a member of SASO and shared his political convictions. In the 1970s a women39s organization inspired by the Black Consciousness Movement, the Black Women39s Federation, was formed in 1975. Indian women and resistance in the 1960s In the early 1960s the government set up the Indian National Council (NIC) supposedly to act as a link between the minister of Indian Affairs and the Asian community and to make recommendations to the minister. However, the council was seen by the Indians as a stooge of the government and few respected members of the community would accept nomination on what they scathingly called an lsquoapartheid body39. In the late 1950s and the 1960s many Indian families had suffered great hardship under the Group Areas Act. Indians were forcibly made to move from their homes to make way for white development in Natal. Appeals to the authorities met with stubborn indifference. In an effort to show their resistance to these two discriminatory measures Indian women activists staged a march to the Union Buildings in Pretoria in October 1963. Zainab Asvat, who had been so prominent in the Indian passive resistance campaign of 1946, was the main organiser of the march. Most of the women were from Johannesburg and Pretoria. Unlike the previous marches to the Union Buildings, on this march the women were subjected to violence. The police turned dogs on them and baton charged them. Soon after this, Zainab was banned for five years. After her banning expired, she and her husband Dr Kazi, who had also been banned, took exit permits and went to live in London. Zainab Asvat was by no means the only Indian woman who had a high political profile at the time. The following year (1964) another prominent Indian women, Amina Cachalia, was banned for five years for her role in the FSAW. And in 1966 Phyllis Naidoo was banned and detained for ten days for breaking her banning order. Soon afterwards she left South Africa for Lesotho, where she subsequently became the victim of a parcel bomb. Women in the 1970s - Soweto and mounting pressure on the apartheid state crarr During the 1970s, and particularly in the late 1970s after the Soweto uprising of 1976, there was increasing pressure, both internal and international, on the apartheid state. The riots also played an important role in the revival of the ANC and the PAC, both of which had been banned in 1960 and were operating underground. The government had to cope with economic sanctions, military pressure from Cuba and the countries of the Eastern Bloc and diplomatic estrangement from overseas. In this heightened resistance against the state women once again played an important role not only within South Africa but as part of the banned ANC operating from outside the country39s borders. Some, such as Lindiwe Sisulu even joined the armed wing of the ANC. After her release from detention she joined Umkhonto we Sizwe, underwent military training and later specialised in Intelligence. Women and the Black Consciousness Movement in the 1970s 197039S - Steve Bantu Biko with his son, Samora. Steve Biko was the Black Conscience leader, political activist and student leader. (Photograph by Drum photographer copy Baileys Archive). The Black Consciousness Movement, led by Steve Biko, was a new source of resistance that had arisen in the late 1960s among students who formed the student body SASO. The movement increased in significance when the Black People39s Convention (BPC) was established in 1972. A number of women, such as Baleka Kgositsile, Winnie Mandela and Mamphela Ramphele were active in both the Black Consciousness Movement and the ANC underground. Mamphela Ramphele was also involved in child welfare and founded the Zanempilo Community Health Centre near King William39s Town. Later, after her banishment to rural Northern Transvaal, she set up the Isutheng Community Health Programme. In 1975 a group of politically active women headed by Fatima Meer, established the Black Women39s Federation (BWF). Meer became the first president and other executive members were Sally Motlana, Theresa Hendrickse, Kate Jonkers, Deborah Mabelitsa, F. Skhosana, Winnie Mandela. Ann Tomlinson, Merina Nyembezi, Vuyi Moloto, Jeanie Noel and Virginia Gcabashe. A year after the formation of the federation, Fatima Meer was banned. The government also banned a meeting that was to be held by the federation and other anti-apartheid organisations in Durban in protest of Meer39s banning. In 1976 in the aftermath of the Soweto riots, Winnie Mandela set up the Black Parents39 Association (BPA). Both the BWF and the BPA allied themselves to the Black Consciousness Movement. When Biko died in 1977 while being held in detention, a storm of protest arose in the country and there was also increased international condemnation of the regime. All the black consciousness organisations were banned in 1977, including the women39s organisations. The Indian Council revamped as the SAIC: Reaction The National Indian Council set up by the government in the 1960s had been scorned by prominent Indian leaders although it continued to function or some years. The Soweto riots of 1976 had prompted Vorster to make some limited concessions to the political position of Coloureds and Indians. In 1978 legislation provided for a revised body of 40 elected and five nominated members of the Indian community to be called the South African Indian Congress (SAIC). Once again there was only limited support for the idea, most Indians expressing the feeling that universal franchise in a unitary state is what they were holding out for. Progressive Indians, among them women such as Amina Cachalia, Fatima Meer and Ela Gandhi (who had been elected as vice-president of the revived Natal Indian Congress) were opposed to this new form of apartheid and anti-SAIC committees were formed to resist the measure. In 1981 when the Council39s election took place only 10 of the Indian voters cast their votes. Women and labour issues: The trade unions in the 1970s In the 1960s the country39s industrial economy had matured and by the 1970s black workers were becoming increasingly restless about exploitative working conditions. A number of strikes were held (particularly in Natal) in 1973 and between 1973 and 1975 many new trade unions were formed. Women such as Linda Komape and Emma Mashinini were prominent in trade unionism, fighting for the rights of women in the workplace. By 1977 the effects of worldwide criticism and withdrawal of foreign capital led to an economic recession. To counteract widespread worker dissatisfaction Vorster appointed two commissions of enquiry in 1977: the Wiehahn and the Riekert Commissions. Wiehahn recommended that black trade unions should be legalised and that certain forms of job reservation should be scrapped. Riekert made a number of suggestions on allowing urbanised black workers residential rights. Between 1979 and 1982, as result of the legalisation of black trade unions, unionisation of black workers doubled. Black trade unionism was set to become a powerful force in South African politics, which is still the case in South Africa today. Apartheid crumbles - Women in the turmoil of the 1980s crarr Women from the Crossroads squatter camp demonstrate outside parliament demanding protection from Witdoek (white headband vigilantes for the right to rebuild their bent-out hopes). Cape Town. June 1986. copy Guy Tillim. The 1980s saw escalating state repression and mass detentions. In a frenzy of desperate reaction, the government declared a series of back-to-back states of emergency from 1985 to 1987. In 1988 a number of organisations including the UDF and COSATU were restricted. In 1984 PW Botha made a desperate effort to make reforms by introducing the tricameral constitution: three parliaments were set up, one each for whites, Coloureds and Indians. But this was widely rejected by the Coloured and Indian people and seemed doomed to fail from its very inception. Conflict rose to unprecedented heights and even went beyond black-white unrest, with Inkatha clashing with the ANCUDF and breaking their ties. Press freedom was restricted there was turmoil everywhere and South Africa had in effect become a police state. When Botha suffered a stroke in 1989 and FW de Klerk took over it had become abundantly clear that a process of reform had to begin. He released a group of prominent political prisoners, including Walter Sisulu and began to consult with them. Throughout the 1980s women were again at the forefront of the struggle. Prominent female activists like Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi continued to leave the country and go into exile. In 1980 she joined the ANC in Zimbabwe and worked in political structures under Joe Gqabi. She then enlisted in Umkhonto we Sizwe receiving her training in Angola. Other women who had remained in South Africa began to establish women39s organisations again and to align these to the newly-formed UDF, which was widely described as the lsquoANC in disguise39. The United Women39s Congress (UWCO), 1981 As a result of parent39s reactions to the 1976 uprisings and their aftermath, ex-FSAW (Federation of South African Women) members in the Western Cape began organising themselves from as early as 1978 and eventually formed the United Women39s Congress (UWCO) in 1981. The organisation took up campaigns such as child care, the bread price and bus fare increases. Other branches dealt with housing campaigns and launched rent boycotts and also defended children against police brutality. In 1986, the United Women39s Congress joined forces with the Women39s Front, another women39s organisation in the Western Cape. UWCO was one of the few organisations that existed at the time, and it spearheaded the formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF). In 1986 UWCO began a process of re-establishing the Federation of South African Women (FSAW) by uniting with other women39s organisations such as the Natal Organisation of Women (NOW) and the Federation of Transvaal Women (FEDTRAW). The United Democratic Front (UDF), 1983 The UDF was launched in Mitchell39s Plain near Cape Town in 1983. About 600 delegates from more than 230 organisations and a crowd of about 13 000 people converged on the area. There were delegates representing students, youth, worker, civic, women39s, religious, sport and trade union organisations. The gathering was the biggest crowd of anti-apartheid groupings since the mass meetings of the Congress Alliance in the 1950s. The initial aim of the UDF was to oppose the nationalist government39s tricameral parliamentary proposals but in a short time it became the leading anti apartheid political movement within the country, with more than 1,5 million supporters. It mobilised nationwide resistance, led a series of boycotts, and became involved in labour issues. While the UDF was non-aligned, most of its leadership and affiliates were either members of the underground ANC or sympathetic to it. With the unbanning of the ANC in 1990 many of the prominent UDF members joined the ANC. Soon afterwards, the UDF was disbanded. The Natal Organisation of Women (NOW), 1983 The Natal Organisation of Women was formed in December 1983 as one of the affiliates of the UDF. From as early as 1980 women from Durban had been coming together on an annual basis to commemorate August 9th. The organizers of those events discussed the need for an ongoing programme that would unite women and deal with women39s issues. In December 1983 NOW was formed. The first president was Pumzile Mlambo (later to become South Africa39s first female deputy president) while Hersheela Narsee was secretary. The following year Nozizwe Madlala took over as president and Victoria Mxenge was elected as secretary. The main aim of NOW was to fight for the upliftment of women and therefore a constitution that would safeguard women39s rights was formulated. Women were trained and encouraged to take up leadership positions in various fields. NOW also campaigned for better housing at rates that were affordable, and was concerned with pass laws, the lack of proper maternity benefits and child-care. The establishment of NOW was a major factor in the increased role of women in political and civic organizations and in the establishment of the rights of women in the struggle and all spheres of society. With the declaration of the 1986 State of Emergency, and the mass detentions and restrictions on the UDF that followed, NOW activists found themselves filling the leadership vacuum in Natal and spearheaded a number of UDF campaigns that the UDF itself could not carry out. It helped the victims by providing shelter, food and moral support. The organisation was disbanded in 1990. The Federation of Transvaal Women (FEDTRAW), 1984 FEDTRAW was formed in December 1984, bringing together close to 200 women from all over the Transvaal (now Gauteng ). The formation of FEDTRAW was based on the same lines as its mother body the Federation of South African Women (FSAW) and also in commemoration of Women39s Day, August 9th. The women worked together on issues such as high food prices, high rents conscription of men into the army and inadequate child-care facilities. It also focussed on the plight of rural women. The federation supported the families of detainees and the youth in their fight for democratic Student Representative Councils (SRCs), which could fight against sexual harassment at schools and to popularise the Freedom Charter. The Women39s charter was adopted as a working document for FEDTRAW as the demands of women at the time were the same as those made in 1955. Sister Bernard Ncube was elected as first president of the federation, while Albertina Sisulu, Rita Ndzanga, Francis Baard and Maniben Sita were elected as active patrons. Helen Joseph and Winnie Mandela were non-active patrons. Trade Unions in the 1980s: COSATU, 1985 There was an unprecedented level of resistance in factories and black communities in the 1980s over economic and political issues. In fact it was a period in which the highest level of strikes in South African history was recorded. As large-scale political organisations like the UDF emerged it became necessary to form an umbrella federation of trade unions. After protracted negotiations the Congress of South African Trade Unions COSATU was formed in November 1985. At the time of its establishment it had more than 462 000 members and by 1991 this number had grown to more than 1 258 800. The largest proportion of its members came from the manufacturing and mining sectors. The activities of Cosatu became closely linked to the wider liberation struggle. Women like Emma Mashinini were instrumental in its formation. The UDF Women39s Congress, 1987 This women39s organisation was formed in April 1987. Its aims were to uphold the Freedom Charter and the Women39s Charter, both of which were drawn up in the 1950s. The body was formed by all women39s organisations, which were United Democratic Front (UDF) affiliates, and it included women39s co-operatives, the women39s section of youth and civic organisations, unions and church groups. It aimed to teach men and women in the UDF about women39s oppression and to increase women39s skills. It was against any form of discrimination based on sex and was to be a forum to discuss issues effecting women in all UDF organisations. The pre-election period - Women in the early 1990s crarr By the time the 1980s drew to a close the revolt against the government, increased international pressure and the regime39s counter-revolution of oppression had reduced the country to a state of anarchy. Violence escalated in the 1990-1994 period with more than 700 people dying violently in the first eight months of 1990. The economy was in shreds and there was still no real constitutional reform that would give the blacks any meaningful say in government. FW de Klerk realized that reform had to take place and in the March 1992 referendum, 68,6 of the whites who voted gave him the mandate to bring about changes. The unbanning of the ANC, PAC and SACP: Negotiations begin De Klerk promptly announced that several racial laws would be repealed he then released eight political prisoners. On 2 February 1990 the ban on the ANC, PAC and SACP was lifted, and shortly thereafter, because there was no longer any need for a lsquofront39 organization, the UDF was disbanded. De Klerk also announced that all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, were to be released. On 11 February 1990, a memorable day, a smiling Nelson Mandela left prison after 27 years, a free man at last. Negotiations were then initiated in May 1990 at Groote Schuur, Cape Town, to be followed by Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) I and II. However, the course of negotiations is not the issue here. What is more relevant is that women activists began to return to South Africa to take up senior political posts and make an active contribution in the progress towards democracy. Women at the fore again A number of prominent women began to filter back into South Africa where there was no longer any need to conceal their political commitment. Many of them have since taken leading positions in the ANC government. In 1990, for example, Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi returned from exile at request of South African Communist Party (SACP). She subsequently resumed work as personal assistant to Joe Slovo and Chris Hani. In the same year Lindiwe Sisulu returned and began to work for Dr Jacob Zuma, while Gill Marcus took a post in the ANC Department of Information and Publicity. Indian activists Phyllis Naidoo and Shanthivathie (Shanthie) Naidoo, singer Miriam Makeba and trade unionist Ray Alexander also came home. Patricia De Lille was appointed to a senior PAC post while Baleka Kgositsile was elected as Secretary General of the African National Congress Women39s League (ANCWL). In 1991 Winnie Mandela, Albertina Sisulu and Gill Marcus were elected to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and Gertrude Shope became the president of the ANCWL. Gill Marcus was subsequently given the important task of training ANC media workers and voter educators prior to the 1994 elections. She also accompanied Nelson Mandela on his election campaign. The year 1992 saw a crucially important development when women participated in the discussions at the CODESA under the auspices of the Women39s National Coalition (WNC) and Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was chosen to represent women39s views as part of the Gender Advisory Committee. The Women39s National Coalition (WNC) Soon after the unbanning of the ANC and its structures towards the end of 1990, the ANC Women39s League lobbied all the women39s organisations to set up a coalition. The task of this coalition would be to do research, co-ordinate, and draw up a women39s charter based on the priorities and concerns of women from all walks of life throughout the country. The National Women39s Coalition was launched early in 1991, and started working on the Women39s Charter immediately. The charter was completed in 1994 and was handed over to Mandela in parliament. The issues of concern to women that were listed in this women39s charter were then incorporated in the new constitution and into the Bill of Rights. The Women39s National Coalition now focuses on training for parliamentary and local government candidates and community leaders and plays a key role in adult basic education and gender training. The 1994 election - The first democratic general election in South Africa On 27 April 1994 South Africans formed long queues at polling stations throughout the country. A spirit of goodwill prevailed and all violence (contrary to expectations) came to a halt. The result was a landslide victory for the ANC: it gained 62, 65 of the votes and proved to be the most popular party, the only party indeed, to have countrywide popular support. In the National Assembly the ANC therefore held 252 of the 400 seats. Nelson Mandela, as the leader of the ANC, became the new president of South Africa. Soon after the election in 1994, the new Minister of Justice, Dullah Omar, proposed the idea of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The commission was set up in 1995 and statements were heard by more than 20 000 people, including women. No women applied for amnesty. In 1996 a new constitution (with provision for women39s rights) was introduced and importantly for women, a Commission for Gender Equality was set up. The first 10 years of democracy have been remarkable in many ways but there are still a number of crucial challenges to be met. The first female Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa When Thabo Mbeki announced in 2005 that the newly appointed deputy president was to be Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, history was made. She became the first woman deputy president of South Africa. The appointment was certainly well-deserved. She is a woman who believes that women need not feel disadvantaged, or need to defer to men, simply because they are women. She has an impressive record not only of welfare work among her people but also as an educator, a campaigner for women39s rights and a senior politician. Women in the ANC government South African women, across racial lines, have been the source of courage for the entire community in the struggle for democracy. President Thabo Mbeki stated categorically in his book of 2004: lsquoNo government in South Africa could ever claim to represent the will of the people if it failed to address the central task of emancipation of women in all its elements, and that includes the government we are privileged to leadrsquo. The government39s record in this regard is impeccable. The number of women in official posts at all three levels of government is impressively high. This bears out the terms of the Women39s Charter that there will be no discrimination on the basis of sex. Currently women make up 33 percent of the cabinet. Women are also prominent in the diplomatic service. This is indeed a far cry far cry from the days under the minority white government when Helen Suzman stood alone as a woman in parliament. South African women: The challenges ahead South African society remains a pluralist one with huge cultural diversities, and there are many challenges ahead. Furthermore, in modern-day South Africa women are faced with a wide range of issues such as the high crime rate, domestic violence, child abuse, HIVAIDS, poverty, poor local government delivery and unemployment. Motherhood is still central to most women39s lives across the board and women39s role in family life is still the basis of a morally sound, orderly society. Although great strides have been made, gender discrimination still takes place in the workplace, and while there are notable exceptions, women are as yet poorly represented in top managerial and executive posts country-wide. However, women have shaken off the shackles of the past and in their determined struggle against political oppression and gender inequality they have earned themselves a place in the sun in the new South Africa. As this piece is being written, in January 2006, there is the news that Africa39s first female elected head of state, Ellen Johnson-Surleaf of Liberia, is about to take office in Monrovia. In this the 50 year commemoration of the Women39s March of 1956 we celebrate the role that women have played in the making of modern South Africa and look towards their future role with confidence. Africanhistory. Feature. online ldquoFederation of South African Women. rdquo Available at: africanhistory. aboutodapartheidtermsgFSAW. htm Berger, I. 1992. Threads of solidarity: Women in South African industry, 1900-1980. Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press and James Currey. Bozzoli, Belinda, ed. 1987. Class, community and conflict: South African perspectives. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Bozzoli, Belinda, with Mmantho Nkotsoe. 1991. Women of Phokeng: Consciousness, life strategy and migrancy in South Africa, 1900 ndash 1983. Johannesburg:Ravan. Brink, Elsabe. 1990. lsquoMan-made women Gender, class and the ideology of the volksmoeder 39 in Cherryl Walker, ed, 1990. Women and gender in southern Africa to 1945. Cape Town and London: David Philip and James Currey. Callinicos, L (1993) A Place in the City: The Rand on the Eve of Apartheid, Ravan Press, Cape Town. Cock, Jaclyn. 1991. Colonels and cadres: War and gender in South Africa. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Coullie, J. L. ed. 2004. The closest of strangers: South African women39s life writing. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. DACST (2000) Women Marching into the 21st Century: Wathint39 abafazi wathint39 imbokodo, Sheron Printers. museums. org. zasamconfencpicsgaullgaul04b. jpg Davenport, T. R.H. 2005. lsquoSouth Africa39s Janus moment: The schizophrenic 1940s39, South African Historical Journal. 52, 191-205. Daymond, M. J. et al, eds. 2003. Women writing Africa: The southern region. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Freund, B. 1991. lsquoIndian women and the changing character of the working class Indian household in Natal 1860-199039, Journal of Southern African Studies. 17, 3, 414-429. Gaitskell, D. 2002. lsquoThe imperial tie: obstacle or asset for South Africa39s women suffragists before 193039, South African Historical Journal. 47 (2002), 1-23. Krikler, J. 1996. lsquoWomen, violence and the Rand Revolt of 192239, Journal of Southern African Studies. 22, 3, 349-373. Liebenberg, B. J. and S. B. Spies, eds. 1993. South Africa in the 20 th century. Pretoria: J. L. van Schaik . Lodge, Tom. 1985. Black politics in South Africa since 1945. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. See particularly chapter 6: lsquoWomen39s protest movements in the 1950s39. Musiker N and Musiker R (2000) A Concise Historical Dictionary of Greater Johannesburg, Francolin Publishers, Cape Town . Padayachee, V. and S. Vawda. 1999. lsquoIndian workers and worker action in Durban, 1935-194539, South African Historical Journal. 40, 154-178. Southey, Nicholas. 2006. HHYGEN-B, Gendering South African History, History Honours. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Van Heyningen, Elizabeth. 1999. lsquoThe voices of women in the South African War39, South African Historical Journal. 41, 22-43. Vincent, Louise. 2000. lsquoBread and honour: White working class women and Afrikaner nationalism in the 1930s39, Journal of Southern African Studies. 26, 1, 61-78. Vincent, Louise. 1999. lsquoThe power behind the scenes: The Afrikaner nationalist women39s parties, 1915 to 193139, South African Historical Journal. 40, 51- 73. Walker, Cherryl, ed. 1990. Women and gender in southern Africa to 1945. Cape Town and London: David Philip and James Currey. Walker, Cherryl. 1991. Women and resistance in South Africa. Cape Town: David Philip. Walker, C (1982) Women and Resistance in South Africa, Onyx Press, London . Wells, Julia. 1993. We now demand The history of women39s resistance to pass laws in South Africa. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Wells, Julia. 1983. lsquoWhy women rebel: A comparative study of South African women39s resistance in Bloemfontein (1913) and Johannesburg (1958), Journal of Southern African Studies. 10, 1, 55-70. Wikipedia Online Encyclopaedia. Feature: Miriam Makeba. Available at: en. wikipedia. orgwikiMiriamMakeba ldquoFederation of South African Women. rdquo Africanhistory website. online, accessed 26 June, 2009 Mufson Steven, Fighting Years: Black Resistance and the Struggle for a New South Africa, Boston: Beacon Press, 1990. SADET, The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Vol. 1 (1960-1970), Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2004. SADET, The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Vol. 2 1970-1980, Pretoria: UNISA Press, 2006. SAPA. TRC. ldquoMK Commander Alleges Sexual Abuse in ANC Exile Camps, rdquo Umtata: South African Press Association (SAPA), June 18 1996. SAPA. TRC. ldquoANC Women Cadres Were Sexually Abused, Modise Admits, rdquo Cape Town: SAPA, 1997. The African Music Encyclopaedia. Miriam Makeba. 1965 Memorandum on ANC Womenrsquos Bureau, ANC Morogoro Papers, Box 3, ANC Archives, UFH cited in SADET, The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Vol. 1 (1960-1970), Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2004. Reddy E. S. The struggle for liberation in South Africa and international solidarity: A selection of papers published by the United Nations Centre against Apartheid, New Delhi: Sterling, 1993. Suki Ali, Global Feminist Politics: Identities in a Changing World. Lyn S. Graybill, Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa: Miracle or Model Reddy E. S. The struggle for liberation in South Africa and international solidarity: A selection of papers published by the United Nations Centre against Apartheid, New Delhi: Sterling, 1993.